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QOTYBIQHTKD 1860 BY HARPER A BEOTHEES. COPYRIGHTED 1894 BY ALFRED H. ODERBftBY AND HENRY M. ALDEH COPYRIGHTED 1894 BY MCDOHNELL BROS. 




OOfYBIQHTED 1860 BY BABPEK 4 BROTHERS, COPYRIGHTED IS94 BY ALFRED TI. GUERHftEY AND HENRY M. ALDEN COPYRIGHTED 18Q4 BY MCDO.-iM.LL BROS. 




CLY3SE3 S. GEANT.— Fbom a Photograph taken in 1865. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION 1-80 

FORT SUMTER 25-66 

UPRISING OFTHE NORTH. ...07-121 

THE WAR FOR THE UNION. 

CHAPTER I. 

TJIK UNION ANIl THE CONFEDERACY. 

120 

CHAPTER II. 

EASTERN AND WESTERN VIRGINIA 

AND MISSOURI , 135 

CHAPTER III. 

THE BATTLE OK BULL RUN 145 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC— BALL'S 

ULDFF 1& 9 

CHAPTER V. 

KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI 163 

CHAPTER. VI. 

.NAVAL OPERATIONS 178 

CIIAPTER VII. 

THE POLICY OF THE FEDERAL GOV- 
ERNMENT 1S4 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE FEDERAL (JUVIIRNMENT AND SLAV- 
ERY 138 

CHAPTKR IX. 

POLICY OF THE CONFEDERATE GOV- 
ERNMENT 209 

CHAPTER, X. 

EASTERN KENTUCKY — MIDDLE CREEK 

AND MILL SPRING 220 

CHAPTER XI. 

FORTS HENRY AND DONELSON 225 

CHAPTER XII. 

ROANOKE AND NEWBERN 242 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE VIRGINIA AND THE MONITOR.... 250 

CHAPTER XIV. 

THE CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS 261 



CHAPTER XV. Pu Ge 

BUTLER'S ADMINISTRATION AT NEW 

ORLEANS 272 

CHAPTER XVI. 

THE TRANS-MISSISSIPPI CAMPAIGN OF 

1862 282 

CHAPTER XVII. 

KENTUCKY, TENNESSEE AND NORTH- 
ERN MISSISSIPPI 299 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. — I. FROM 
TnE POTOMAC TO THE CH1CKA- 
HOMINY 328 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. i— II. ON 
THE SHENANDOAH ANDTUECHICK- 
AHOM1NV 343 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. — HI. 
FROM THE CHICKAHOM1NY TO THE 
JASIES 361 

CHAPTER XXI. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.— IV. THE 
WITHDRAWAL FROM THE PENIN- 
SULA 380 

CIIAPTER XXII. 

POPE'S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA 381 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE INVASION OF MARYLAND.— AN- 

TIETAM 393 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

ECHNSIDE'S CAMPAIGN— FREDERICKS- 
BURG 406 

CHAPTER XXV. 

NAVAL AND COAST OPERATIONS 421 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE WAR ON THE MISSISSIPPI 430 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE WAR ON THE MISSISSIPPI (CON- 
TINUED) 457 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

HOOKER IN COMMAND.— CHANCELLOHS- 

VILLE 483 



CHAPTER XXIX. Pago 

THE INVASION OF PENNSYLVANIA.— 

GETTYSBURG 501 

CHAPTER XXX. 

MEAD'S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA 517 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE CHATTANOOOA CAMPAIGN.— I. 

THE ARMY OF THE CUMREKLAND. 525 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN. — II. 
THE ADVANCE FKQM MUItFREES- 
BOROUGH 529 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN. — III. 
THE AKMY OF THE OHIO.— RECOV- 
ERY OF EAST TENNESSEE 531 

. CHAPTER XXXIV. 

THE CHATTANOOOA CAMPAIGN.— TV. 

THE BATTLE OF C1IICKAMAUGA. . 535 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN.— V. 

THE SIEGE OF KNOXV1LLE 550 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN.— VI. 

DEFEAT OF BRAGG 555 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

SHERMAN'S MERIDIAN CAMPAIGN 669 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

THE FLORIDA EXPEDITION 574 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

THE RED RIVER CAMPAIGN 576 

CHAPTER XL. 

PRICE'S MISSOURI RAID 593 

CHAPTER XLI. 

THE ATLANTA CAMPAIGN - 097 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA.— FROM 

THE RAPIDAN TO THE JAMES 621 

CHAPTER XLIII. 

TnE INVESTMENT OE PETERSBURG.... 637 

CHAPTER XLIV. 

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS OF 1S63. .. . 041 

CHAPTER XLV. 

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS OF 1864.... OHi 



CHAPTER XLVI. P*8o 

AFTER ATLANTA 67C 

CHAPTER XI.VII. 

BATTLE OF NASHVILLE 675 

CHAPTER XLVIII. 

SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGN.— THE MARCH 

TO THE SEA 083 

CHAPTER XLIX. 

THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG 693 

CHAPTER I,. 

THE CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA.— EARLY 

AND SHERIDAN \ 707 

.CHAPTER LI. 

SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGN.— THE CARO- 
LINA MARCH 713 

CHAPTER LIT 

RECOVERY" OF THE ATLANTIC COAST. 

—I. WILMINGTON 722 

CHAPTER I. III. 

RECOVERY OF THE ATLANTIC COAST. 

II. CHARLESTON 733 

CHAPTER LIV. 

THE MOBILE CAMPAIGN 744 

CHAPTER LV. 

WILSON'S AND STONEMAN'S RAIDS.... 749 

CHAPTER LVI. 

THE CAPTURE OF PETERSBURG AND 

RICHMOND 751 

CHAPTER LVII. 

THE RETREAT AND SURRENDER OF 

LEE 767 

CHAPTER LVIII. 

JOHNSTON'S SURRENDER 773 

CHAPTER LIX. 

FLIGHT AND CAPTURE OF DAVIS 777 

CHAPTER LX. 

THE DEATH OF LINCOLN 781 

CHAPTER LXI 

CONDUCT OF THE WAR 789 

CHAPTER LXII. 

H ECO NSTRUCTI ON.— 186-5-1 6(i7. 799 

Index 827 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME I. 



.. Fort Sumter, at Low-water, 32. 

!. Keys and Candlestick, Fori Sumter, 33. 

I. Anderson's Entry into Fori Sumter, 34. 

■~ Anderson's Quarters, Fort Sumter, 84. 

i. Tho Prayer ut Sumter, 85. 

i. The Sloop-uf-war Brooklyn, 8. 

r. Tlic Steam-ship Slur of the West, 40. 

I. Firing ii|«in the Star of the Wcst,41 . 

I. Tlic tirst Plug uf Truee,42. 

I. Morris's Island, from Furl Sumter,54. 

I, Interior of Sally-noit, Fort Sumter,57 . 

!. Iron-clad Battery, Cummings's l'oint,69. 

1. Fort Johnson, from Fort Siimtcr,69. 

L Ten-inch Columbiad,6l. 

i. Fort Moultrie, from Fort Snmter,62. 

!. Removing Fowder, Fort Sumicr, 63. 

'. Nailing the F'lng, Fort Sumter, 64. 

t. Around Hie Bulletin-board, 65. 

I. Bombardment of Fort Sumter, 64. 

>. The Gorge, Fori Sumier,66. 

1. Tho U|irisiue of the North, 27. 

f. Casemate Battery, Fort Pickens, 70. 

I. Flag-staff ISivMii.n, Fort l'ickcns, 70. 

t. Sally-port nnd Glacis, Fort Pickens, 71. 

i. Flea off Fort l'iekcns, 74. 

i. First lie enforcement of Fort Pickens, 77 

J. Second Re-en Forceraant of Fort Pickens, 78. 

i. Harper's Ferry and Maryland Heights, 80. 

i. Harper's Ferry, 81. 

I. March upon Harper's Ferry, 81. 

I . Destruction of Norfolk Navy Yard, 82. 

J. Destruction of Ships at Norfolk, 83. 

(. Burning of Arsenal, Harper's Ferrv, 84. 

I. Riot nt Baltimore, April 19, 1861,87- 

".. Burning of Bridge at Canton, Maryland, 90. 

1. The Seventh N. Y. Rce.t. in Broadway, 91. 

J. Annapolis, 5(arylaod, 92. 

I. [{quiring Railroad-bridge, 03. 

). Tin! Seventh New York on the March, 95. 

i. Relay House, Baltimore and Ohio H.R., 101. 

I. Viaduct at Washington Junction, 101. 

1. Sand-bag Battery, 102. 

J. Railing the Fins at Baltimore, 102. 

I. The Winnns Gun, 103. 

~>. Fortifications at St. Louis, 106. 

5. Corner Scene, St. Louis, 107. 

7. Attack upon Volunteers, St. Lonis, 108. 

3. Galleries under Senate Chamber, 109. 

}. Bread-ovens under the Capitol, 109. 

3. Barricade in Treasury Building, 110. 

1, Troops in r]ic Rotunda, 110. 

2. Fort McHonry, Baltimore, 111. 
II. View of Richmond, ] 14. 

1. Henrico County Jail, Richmond, 114, 
5, The Capitol, Richmond, 115. 
G. Prisons at Richmond, 115. 

7. Montgomery, Alabama, 117. 

8. The White House, Montgomery, 118. 

J. Montgomery, February H, IbGI, 122. 

0. Blrd's-cyo View of Washington, 13*. 

1. Fortress Monroe, Moat and Sea-Fuco, 135. 

2. Fortress Monroe, the Entrance, 135. 

3. The Army crossing (ha Potomac, 137. 



SCENES AND 

f. Lyon's March from Bouuesvillc, 139. 

i. Western Virginia. Mountain Region, HI. 

i. Battle ofHicn Mountain, 143. 

'. Bull Run, Railroad Bridge over, 145. 

I. Manassas Junction, 147. 

I, An escaped Zouave, after Bull Run, 153. 

). Covering the Retreat, Boll Run. 155. 

.. Battery at the Chain Bridge, 160. 

'. Fort Runyon, Interior of, 1G0. 

I. Fort Corcorun, Arlington Heights, 161. 

r. Fort Albany, Alexandria, 10L. 

I. Manson's Hill, 102. 

;. Confederate Batteries, Evansporl, 102. 

'. Confederate Batteries, Budd'a Ferry, 163. 

i. Engaging Batteries at I'.vansport, 104. 

>. Edwards's Ferry, Stone's Division ut, 16G. 

I. Lcwinsvillc, Virginio,177. 

. Building Huts, Army or tho Poloninc, 168. 

I. Water Batteries, Columbus, Ohio, 169. 

I. Pilot Knob, Missouri, 171. 

,. Lexington, Missouri, Defense of, 174. 

i. Fremont's Bridge across the Osage, 175. 

i. Springfield, Missouri, 1 70. 

'. Destruction of the Nashville, 1 77. 

I. The Privateer Savannah, 1 78. 

». The Privateer Sumter, 178. 

I. Burning of llampt Virginia, 160. 

. Banil.inriliiiv.nt of Fort 1'ickeiiM, 183. 

!. Attack on Fleet at Southwell Puss, )63. 

1. The Wigwam at Chicago, 199. 

■. Stampede of Slaves to Fort Monroe, 202. 

i. Feeding Negroes nt Hilton Hcnd, 203. 

I. Cumberland Gap, Kentucky, 221. 

'. Footc's Gun-bant Fleet, 220. 

i. Footc's Gun-boats at Fort Henry, 228. 

'. Alabama La \ nil -.Is greeting Gun- hauls, 229. 

). Fort Donclsun, Tennessee, 230. 

:. Water Battery, Fort Donclson, 232. 

i. Gun-boat Attack on Fort Donolson, 233. 

I. Bowling Green, Kentucky, 237. 

1. Green River, Mitchell crossing, 238. 

i. Nashville, Tennessee, 230. 

i Na.-liville, Rail road- bridge at, 240. 

f. Nashville, Capitol nt, 241. 

i. Columbus, Kentucky, 241. 

). Burnsidc's Expedition, 242. 

). Storm off Hnltoras, 244. 

1. Landing below Ncwbern, 240. 

>. Sinking of the Confederate Fleet, 24G. 

t. lOli/i.beih Cuv, North Carolina, 247. 

I. Water Batteiy at Ncwbern, 247. 

i. Lauding ut Slucum's Creek, 248. 

i. Bombardment of Ncwbern, 248. 

". Bombardment of Fort Macon, 249. 

i. Tho Morrimuc, or Virginia, 251. 

). Interior Views of thu Monitor, 262. 

>. First Voyage or tho Monitor, 253. 

I. Fight between Monitor and Merritunc, 257. 

I. The Monitor in n Storm, 257. 

1. The Passaic at Sea, 267. 

I. Pumping and Bailing, 267. 

>. Loss of the Monitor, 258. 



INCIDENTS. 

126. Asleep on Deck, 258. 

127. Forging a Bloom, 259. 
12*. Forging a Flute, 259. 

12'J. Vertical Section uf Turret, 259. 

130. Vertical Section of Turret and Hull, 260. 

131. Cordon ofTurrcts for Harbor Defense, 200. 

132. Ship Island and Defenses, 203. 

133. Fire Rafts on the Mississippi, 2C4. 

134. Bombardment of the Forts, 265. 

135. The Hartford on Fire, 2C7. 

136. New Orleans in 1800,268. 

137. New Orleans, the Levee, 260. 

138. Fussing up the Bayou, 270. 

139. New Orleans, the City, 271. 

140. Repairing the Levee, 275. 

141. Feeding the Poor nt New Orleans, 277. 

142. Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 279. 

143. New Orleans, the French LJiinrtcr, 281. 

144. Indian Camp, Minnesoln, 283. 

145. Squaws \\\ umg Wheat, 283. 

146. Fort Wnehitn, Texas, 280. 

147. Fort Arbuekle, Texas, 286. 

148. Fort Diivis, Texas, 280. 

149. Fort Brown, Texas, 287. 
160. Fort Lancaster, Texas, 287. 

151. The Alamo, Sun Antonio, 287. 

152. Tucson, Arizona, 289. 

153. Battle of St. Charles, Arkansas, 290. 

154. Issuing Fusses ut St. Louis, 292. 

165. The Carondclel at Island No. 10, 292. 
156. Naval Mortnr, 293. 

157- Building Mortar-bonts, 203. 

158- Gun-boats dropping down Stream, 294. 
15'J. Steamers toning Mortar-boats, 294. 

160. Bombardment of Island No. 10, 294. 

161. Island No. 10, 295. 

102. Shiloli Church, 297. 

103. Pittsburgh Landing, 297. 

104. Crossing Duck River, 297. 

165. Hamburg Landing, Tennessee, 300. 
160- Interior of Sanitary Sunnier, 301. 
107- Commissary Store-bouts, 301. 

108. Landing Cannon, 301. 

109. General Hospital, Hamburg, 301. 

170. Moving Cannon, 801. 

171. Fort Pillow, 302. 

172. Ellet's Rom Fleet, 302. 

178. Eliot's Rams approaching Memphis, 803. 

174. Nnval Battle before Memphis, 803. 

175. Memphis, the Cotton Levee, 804. 
17G. Jackson's Monument, Memphis, 805. 

177. Hoisting Flag at Memphis, HOG, 

178. Huntsvilto, Alabama, 300. 
il\>. Cincinnati, Ohio, 308. 

180. Volunteers crossing the Ohio, 808. 

181. Feeding Troops at Cincinnati, 308. 

182. Buell's Armv entering Louisville, 310. 

183. Movement of Troops up tho Ohio, 311. 

184. I'errysville, Kentucky, 315. 
1*5. luku, Mississippi, 315. 

186. Grand Junction, Tennessee, 818. 

187. Holly Springs, Mississippi, 319. 



I. Railroad De"p6t, Holly Springs, 319. 
I. Confederate Armory, Holly Springs, 319. 
». Murfrecsborough, Tennessee, 323. 
. Deserted Encampment, Murfrccsboro', 323. 
'. Stone River Monument, 324. 
I. William Tecnmsch Sherman, 325. 
:. Loyalists fleeing North, 32C. 
i. F'ort Negley, Nashville, 327. 
i. Bridge at Blackburn's Ford, Bull Run, 331. 
'. Miiiiii.— a? Junction evacuated, 331. 
i. Confederate Camp nt Ccnlveville,332. 
I. The Nelson House, Yorktown, 333. 
). Fortifications nt Yorktown, 333. 
. Making Road through the Swamp,335. 
!. Battery No. 1, before Yorktown, 336. 
1. Mortar Battery before Yorktown, 336. 
i. RemainB of British Works, 336. 
i- Taking Possession of Yorktown, 337. 
•- The White House on the I'amunkey, 337. 
'. Flag of Truce at Norfolk, 340. 
I. The Council Tree, near Norfolk, 340. 
I. Entering Norfolk, 240. 
I. Hoisting the Flag at Norfolk, 310. 
. Burning of the Gospori Navy Yard, 340. 
!, The March from Williamsburg, 342. 
!. Cold Harbor, near the Citicknhominy, 343. 
;. Front Royal, Virginia, 345. 
i. Battle-field of Front Rovnl, 840. 
:. Bridge across the Chickahominv, 348. 
'. Shelling across the Chickahominv, 349. 
I. In Camp on the Chicknhominy, 350. 
I. Railroad to Richmond, 350. 
I. Railroad-bridge over Chick id lomitiy, 350. 
. Spring on the Railroad, 350. 
!. Bridge-builders, 350. 
I. The last Resting-plnee, 350. 
-.. Searching for the Dead and Wounded, 352. 
: Rickets in the Woods, 354. 
I. Burying Dead and burning Horses, 355. 
'. l'iekct-guard on the Chickahominv, 350. 
I. Woodbnry's nnd Alexander's Bridge, 867. 
>. Bird's-eye View of Richmond, 859. 
1. Camp Lee, near Richmond, 861. 
. Conscript Office, Camp Lee, 361. 
!. Ashland, 361. 
I. Mechanicsvillo,3GI. 
■. Ellison's Mill, 362. 
i. New Cold Harbor, 364. 
i. Final Charge at Cold Harbor, 3GC. 
'. Cnvnlry Charge in Cold Harbor, 806. 
i. Skirmishing in the Woo.^s, 367. 
i. Commencement of the Retreat, 8G9. 
I. Destruction of tho Train, 871. 
. Savage's Station abandoned, 871. 
1. Jnckson in Check nt White Oak Cr., 372. 
!. Havoiiet Fight at Frar.ier's Farm, 373. 
. On" the Field at Fraiier's Farm, 374. 
■. U. S. Battery D. nt Frn/ier's Farm, 374. 
i. First Mass. Battery at Frazier's Farm, 375. 
. Gun-boats at Malvern Dill, 376. 
i. The Battlo of Mnlvcrn Hill, 370. 
i. The Retreat from Mnlvem Hill, 377. 



. The Declaration of Independence, 10. 

. Yulee's Letter, 38. 

. Charleston Harbor, 58. 

. Harbor of Pensacola, 60. 

. Balloon View of the Seat of War. 125. 

. Map of the Southern States,126. 

. Pictorial Map of Virginia, etc., 138. 

. Balloon View of Fortress Monroe, 133. 

. Plan of Operations at Hull Run, 149. 

. The Battle-field, Bull Hun, 150. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 

/ MAPS AND PLANS. 

. Kentucky and Northern Tennessee, 

223. 
. MiU Spring and Vicinity, 224. 
. "Western Campaigns, February, 1862, 



. Coast of North Carolina, 243. 
. Ship Island and Vicinity,2G3. 
. Forts Jackson ami St. Philip, 264. 
. Seat of War in Missouri, 282. 
. Battle-field of Pea Ridge, 285. 



270. The War in Kentucky and Tennessee, 
296. 

271. Plan of the Battle of Shiloh, 298. 
273. Plan of theJBattle of Perry vi lie, 1314. 

273. Southeastern Virginia, 329. 

274. The Peninsula, below Williams- 

burgh, 834 



275. Siege of Torktown in 1781, 337. 

276. Siege of Yorktown in 1862, 337. 

277. The Vicinity of Richmond, 344. 

278. The Valley of the Shenandoah. 346. 

279. Seyen Pines and Fair Oaks, 351. 
380. Map of Region near Richmond, 370. 
281. Positions and Movements, June 26 to 

July 1, 1862, 378. 



. Adams, Charles Francis, 195. 

. Adams, John, 5. 

. Adams, Samuel, 5. 

. Anderson, Robert, 31. 

. Ashmore, John D., 210. 

. Baker, Edward D., 167. 

. Barkadale, William, 213. 

, Bartlett. Josiah, 5. 

Beauregard, Gustav T., 53. 

. Hell. John, 20. 

. Benjamin, Judah P., 210. 

. Blunt, James G., 291. 

Bonham. Milledge L., 216. 

, Boyce, William W.', 210. 

. Breckinridge, John C, 18. 

. Brown, Albert G., 213. 

, Brown, John, 17, 

. Buchanan, James, 17. 

. Buell, Don Carlos, 177. 

. Burke, Edmund, 4. 

Butler, Benjamin F., 201. 

Butterfield, Daniel, 365. 

Calhoun, John C, 15. 

. Carroll, Charles, 5. 

. Casey, Silas, 351. 

. Cass, Lewis, 23. 

. Chase, Salmon P., 183. 

, Chase, Samuel, 5. 

, Chestnut, James, 216. 

. Clark, Abraham, 5. 

. Clay. Clement C, 215. 

. Clay, Henry, 10. 

. Clopton, David, 215. 

, Clymer, George, 5. 

, Co'bb, Howell, 20. 

. Cobb, Williamson R., 215. 

. Collamer, Jacob, 207. 

. Cooper, Samuel, 358. 

. Corcoran, Michael, 154. 

. Couch. Darius N., 352. . 

. Crawford, S. W., 31. 

. Crawford, Martin J., 214. 

Crittenden, John J., 191. 

. Currv, Jabez L. M., 315. 

Curtis, Samuel R., 282. 

. Davis, Jefferson, 41, 210, 213. 



. Davis, Jefferson C, 25, 312. 
. Davis, Reuben, 213. 
. Devens, Charles, 165. 
. Doubleday, Abner, 31. 

Douglas. Stephen A., 10. 
. Ellery. William, 5. 
. Ellsworth. Elmer E., 136. 
. Ericsson, John, 250. 
. Everett, Edward, 21. 
. Ewell, RichardS., 303. 
. Farragut, David G., 261. 

Firzpatrick. Benjamin, 215. 
. Floyd, John B. , 20. 
. Floyd, William, 5. , 
. Foote, Andrew H., 235. 
. Forrest, Napoleon B., 807. 
. Foster. John G. , 25. 245. 
. Franklin, Benjamin, 5. 
. Fremont, John C, 172. 

Grarfield, James A., 221. 
. Gartrell. Lucius J., 214 
, Gates, Horatio, 3. 
. Gerry, Elbridge, 5. 
, Oilman, J. H.. 69. 

Goldsborough, Louis M., 244. 
. Greble, John. T., 138. 
. Greene, Nathaniel, 3. 
. Grow, Galusha A., 185. 
. Hale, John P., 206. 
, Hall, Lyman, 5. 
. Hamilton, Alexander, 7. 
. Hamlin. Hannibal, 180. 

Hammond. James H., 216. 
. Hancock, John, 5. 
, Hancock, WinfieldS., 338. 
. Hardeman, Thomas, 214. 
. Harrison, Benjamin, 5. 
, Heintzelman, Samuel P., 

154 
. Henry, Patrick, 7. 
. Herron, Francis J., 291. 
. Hewes, Joseph, 5. 

Hevward, Thomas, 5. 

Hicks, Thomas H., 88. 

Hill, Ambrose P., 364 

Hill, Joshua, 314 



PORTRAITS. 

'3. Hooper, William, 5. 

'4. Hopkins, Stephen, 6. 

'5. Hopkinson, Francis, 5. 

6. Houston, George S. , 215. 
1: Houston, Sam. 288. 

'8. Hovey, Alvin P., 320. 

9. Hunter, David, 150. 

10. Hunter, Robert M. T., 210. 

11. Huntingdon, Samuel, 5. 

13. Iverson, Alfred, 214. 
<:t. Jackson, James, 314. 

14. Jackson, Thomas J., 152, 347. 

15. Jay, John, 7. 

*<). Jefferson, Thomas, 5. 

17. Jeffers. William N., 252. 

18. Johnston, Albert S., 299. 

19. Johnston, Joseph E., 148. 
i0. Jones, John J., 314 

it Kane, George P., 88. 

'3. Keitt, Lawrence M., 216. 

i3. Keyes, Erasmus D., 152. 

4. Lamar, Lucius Q. C, 213. 

'5. Lee, Francis Lightfoot, 5. 

'6. Lee, Richard Henry, 5. 

(7. Lee, Robert E., 85a 

'8. Lewis, Francis, 5. 

'9. Lincoln, Abraham, 51. 

'0. Livingstone, Philip, 5. 

il. Livingstone, Robert R. , 5. 

13. Longstreet, James, 203. 

13. Love. Peter E. , 214. 

4 Lynch, Thomas, 5. 

i5. Lyon, Nathaniel, 140. 

i6. Lyons, Lord, 199. 

'7. Magrath, A. G.. 23. 

<8. Mallory, Stephen M., 210. 

"D. Mason, James M., 194. 

0. McCall. George A., 365. 

1. McClellan. George B., 150. 

2. McClernand, John A., 227. 

3. McCook, Robert L., 224. 

4. MeCulloch. Ben, 173. 

5. McDowell. Irwin, 146. 
11 MrKeau, Thomas, 5. 

7. McQueen, John, 216. 
B. McRae, John J„ 213. 



. Meade. R, K., 31. 

. Memminger, CharlesjG., 210. 

. Mercer, Iff., 196. 

. Middleton, Arthur, 6.' 

, Miles, William Porcher, 216. 

. Mitchell. Oruisbv M„ 237. 

. Mitchell, Robert B.. 314 

. Moore, Sydenham, 215. 

. Morgan, John, 307.* 

. Morris. Governeur, 5. 

. Morris, Lewis, 5. 

. Morris, Robert, 5. 

. Mulligan, James A., 173. 

. Nelson, Thomas, 5. 

. Nelson, William, 172. 

. Oglesbv. Richard F., 310. 

. Ord, Edward O. C, 317. 

. Paca, William, 5.. 

. Paine, Robert Treat, 5. 

. Patterson, Robert, 148. 

. Pickens, Francis C., 43. 

. Pinckney, Charles Cotes- 
worth, 7. 

. Pitt, William, 4 

. Polk, Leonidas, 170. 

. Porter, David D., 262. 

. Porter, Fitz-John, 365. 

. Porter, William D., 329. 

. Price, Sterling, 170. 

. Pugh, James L., 215. 

. Read, George, 5. 

. Reagan, John H., 210. 

. Reno, Jesse L., 245. 

. Reynolds, John F.. 363. 

. Rosecrans, William S., 331. 

. Ross, George, 5. 

. Rowland, Thomas F., 251. 

. Rush, Benjamin, 5. 

. Rutledge. Edward, 5. 

. Rutledge, John, 5. 

. Srhoriebl, John M., 290. 

. Scott, Winfield. 23. 

. Seward, William H.. 184. 

■Seymour. Truman, 31, 353. 

. Shepley, George F., 274. 

. Sherman, Roger, 5, 



fisherman, William Tecum- 

seh, 325. 
. Shields, James, 342. 
. Singleton, Otho R-, 313. 
. Slemmer, A. J., 69. 
. Slidell, John, 184. 
. Slocum, Henry W., 365. 
. Smith, James, 5. 
'. Smith, William F., 335. 
. Snyder, G. W., 31. 
. Stallworth, James A., 215. 
. Stanley, David S-, 314 
, Stanton, Edwin M., 187. 

Stephens. Alexander H., 47. 
210. 
- Stimers. Alban C, 252. 
. Stockton, Richard, 5. 
. Stone, Thomas, 5. 
. Stoneman, George. 338. 
. Stringham, Silas H., 181. 
. Stuart, James E. B., 360. 
. Sumner, Edwin V., 352. 
. Talbot, T., 31. 
. Thomas, George H., 223. 
. Toombs, Robert, 24, 210, 214 
. Toucey, Isaac, 20. 
. Twiggs. David E., 49. 
. Underwood, John W. H., 

214 
. Walker, Lerov P., 210. 
. Wallace, Lewis, 235. 
. Walton, George, 5. 
. Weitzel, Godfrey, 262. 
. Whipple, William, 5. 

Wilkes. Charles, 195. 

Williams, William. 5. 
. Wilson, Henry, 187. 
. Wilson, James, 5. 

Wilson, William, 182. 
. Witherspoon, John, 5. 
. Wolcott, Oliver, 5. 
. Wood, Fernando, 99. 
. Worden, John L.. 355. 
. Wythe, George, 5. 
. Yancev. William L., 193. 
. ZoUico'ffer, Felix, 323. 



ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME II. 



SCENES AND INCIDENTS. 



. Thoroughfare Gap, 387. 

. Groveton Monument, 389. 

. Bull Run Monumont, 391. 

, The Confederate- missing the Potomac, 392, 

. View from Maryland Heights, 395. 

. Signal Station. Maryland Heights, 396. 

. Boonesborougii and Turner's Gap, 397. 

. After the Battle — At the Pence, 401. 

. After the Bottle— Burying the Dead, 401. 

. Stone Bridge over the Autietam, 402. 

. Siteofn Buttery, 403. 

. Scene of a Charge, 403. 

. Behind a Breastwork, 403. 

. Shelter fur Wounded, 403. 

. Cavalry liecon nuisance in Virginia, 405. 

. Frederic ksln ire; from lnhnoirfu, 407. 

. Acquia Creek, 408! 

. An Army Train, 409. 

. Building'the Bridge iu Fredericksburg, 410. 

-. Sumner's Division crossing the Rappaban- 
nock, 411. 

. Franklin's Division Grossing the Rappahan- 
nock, 412. 

. Assault upon Mnrye'a HilL 414. 

-. Franklin's Division recrossiug the Rappa- 
hannock, 415. 

. The Campaign in the Mud, 418, 419. 

. Mortar Batteries attacking Fort Pulaski, 
420. 

;. Hauling Mortars, 420. 

'. Attack on Fort Pulaski, 420. 

i. Capture, of the Harriet Laws, 421. 

I, Destruction of the West field, 422. 

I, Bohia, Brazil, 423. 

. Destruction of the Alabama, 42S. 

'.. A Night Encampment, 427. 

I. Bottle of Kingston, 427. 

:. Action at Whitehall, 428. 

i. Skirmish near Goldsborough, 428. 

>. Crevasse on the Lower Mississippi, 431. 

'. Admiral Porter's Mortar Fleet, 434. 

I. Natchez upon the Hill, 43G. 

I. Natchez under the Hill, 437. 

>. Ellis's Blurts, *37. 

1. Vicksburg from (ho River, 438. 

!. Porter's Mortar Fleet in Trim, 439. 

i. Farragut 'a Fleet running the Vicksburg Bat- 
teries, 439. 

(. Mortar-boats firing on Vicksburg by night, 
440. 

S, Davis's Fleet oa the way to join Farragut's, 
440. 

5. The Arkansas running through the Union 
Fleet, 440. 



. Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 441. 

. Death of General Thomas Williams, 442. 

. Destruction of the Arkansas, (43. 

. Cotton Hoards in Southern Swamps, 443. 

. Sixth Missouri at Chickasaw Bayou, 440. 

. Porter's Fleet at the Mouth of the Yazoo, 

447. 
. Attack on Arkansas Post, 448. 
. Transport bringing ( 'attic to Vicksburg, 449. 
. The Queen of the West and the Vicksburg, 

449. ■ 
, Loss of the Queen of the West, 450. 
. The Indianola nmuiug the Vicksburg Bnt- 

. Admiral Porter's " Dummy," 451. 

. Lancaster and Switzerland running the Bat- 
teries, 452. 

. Negroes iit ivork on the Canal, 458. 

. Break in Levee near the Canal, 454. 

. In the Swamps, 454. 

. Bayou Navigation, 454. 

. Among the Bayous, 454. 

. McClemand's Corps marching through the 
Bogs, 454. 

. Grant's Transports running the Batteries, 
455. 

. Saving the Pearl River Bridge, 456. 

. Destroying Ruilroads, 466. 

. Grierson'a Command entering Baton Rouge, 
456. 

. The advance on Port Gibson, 457. 

. Attack on Grand Gulf, 457. 

. Logan crossing the Bayou Pierre, 458. 

. Ranks lauding at Baton Rouge, 459. 

. Burning of the Mississippi, 460. 

. View on the Tcche, 460. 

. Occupution of Alexandria, 461. 

. Banks's Army leaving Simmsport, 4G2. 

. Crocker's Charge at Jackson, 463. 

. Mcl'hersnn and his Chief Engineers, 4G5. 

. Cotton Bridge across the Big Black, 466. 

. Vicksburg from the Rear, 407. 

. The Approaches to Vick'-burg, 469. 

. The Investment of Vicksburg -Sherman's 
Bight, 470. 

. The Assault on Port Hudson, 473. 

. Port Hudson In, in the opposite Bank, 474. 

. Entrance of Gallery to the Mine, 475. 

. Miners at work uniler the Fort, 475, 

. Explosion of Fort, 475. 

. Battery Hickonlooper, 47G. 

. Interview of Grant and Pcmbcrton, 478. 

. Old Vicksburg Monument, 478. 

, New Vickuburg Monument, 478, 



i. Surrender of Vicksburg, 479. 

■. Federal Troops before Jackson, 480. 

i. Saluting the ['lag at Port Hudson, 481. 

i. Arrival of the " Imperial - ' at New Orleans, 
482. 

'. Headquarters of Armv of the Potomac, 485. 

!. Picket Guard, 487. 

'. Crossing at United States Ford, 488 

i. Cavalry crossing at Ely's lord, 488. 

. Sedgwick's Corps crossing the Rappahan- 
nock, 489. 

'. Loving Pontoons lor Sedgwick's Corps, 490. 

. Sedgwick's Bridges laid, 492. 

, Stampede of Eleventh Corps, 494. 

. Near Chaixellorsville, May 1, 49G. 

. Near Chanccllorsvillc, May 1, 496. 

. Cbancellorsville, May 1,407. 

. Burning the Bridge over the Susquehanna, 
504. 

. Gettysburg, 506. 

. Theolorrind Scminatr. Gettysburg, 507, 

. Wheat-field where Reynolds fell, 508. 

. Meade's Headquarters, Cemetery Ridgo, 
508. 

. Lee's Headquarters. Seiriinnry Ridge. fiOS. 

. Breastwork in the Woods, 50'J. 

. Summit of Little Round Tup, Gettysburg, 
510,511. 

. Union Position near the Centre, Gettys- 
burg, 510, 511. 

. Gettysburg, July3, 1863, 514, 515. 

. In Camp, 517. 

. Camp at the Foot of Blue Ridgo, 519. 

. In Camp at Warrenton Springs, 520. 

. Depot of Supplies on the Railroad, 521. 

. Confederate I cntre, Mine Run, 522. 

. Ifccrossing at tiermaniu Ford, 522. 

. Warren's last l'o-inon. Mine Run, 522. 

. Winter Quarters— On Picket, 524. 

. Pack-mules in the Mountains, 527. 

. Tho Courier Line, 528. 

. Impromptu Barricade, 532. 

. Morgan's Haiders, 532. 

. Dragging Artillery over tho Mountains, 534. 

. Occupation of Cumberland Gap, 535. 

. Stevenson, Alabama, 536. 

. Chattanooga from the opposite Bank, B10. 

. View of Knowille limn Keith's Hills, 553. 

. Longstreet's Assault on Fort Sanders, 554. 

. Attack on a Federal Train ubuvo Chatta- 
nooga, 555. 

. Tho Thomas Medal, 556. 

. Ilazen's Brigade descending the Tennes- 
see, 557. 



139. Chattanooga from the Federal Camp, 55^ 

559. 

140. View of Lookout Mountain from Chatta- 

nooga Creek, 561. 

141. Top of Lookout Mountain, Nov. 25, 563. 

1 42. Battery on the Top of Lookout, 563. 

143. Hooker's Column storming Lookout, G63. 
1+4. Crest of Lookout Mountain, 563. 

145. To the Top of Lookout, 563. 

146. Capture of Works at White House, 564. 

147. Storming of Missionary Ridge, 5 66, 

148. Captured Confederate Cannon, 568. 

149. The Fort Pillow Massacre, 573. . 

150. Forrest's Attack on Irving Prison, 574. 
h' I. Attack on Sahine Pass, 586. 

152. Banks's Landing at Brazos Santiago, 5S0. 

153. Confederate Evacuation of Brownsville, 

580. 

154. Porter's Fleet on Red River, 584. 

155. Land Attack on Porter's Fleet, 568. 
I Mi. Hanks crossing Cane River. 589. 

157. Fleet passing the Dam, Alexandria, 590. 
I."-S. Kuins of Lawrence, Kansas, G91. 
159. Little Rock, Arkansas, 592. 
ICO. Refugees entering St. Louis, 595. 
161. Gront receiving iijs Commission, 599. 
1G2. Signal Station near Ringgold, Georgia, 602. 
1C:J. Ringgold, Georgia, 602. 
1G4. Buzzard's Roast Pass, 603. 

165. Geary's Assault on Dug Gap; 604, 

166. Shelling the Railroad near Kesaca, 605. 

167. Sherman's Army entering Rcsaca, 606. 
J 158. Lost Mountain at. Sunrise, 607. 

IG9. Crest of Pine Mountain, where Polk fell, 
607. 

170. ICenesaw, from Little Kenesaw, 608. 

171. Howard's Corps crossing the Chattuhoo- 

chco, 609. 

172. Distant View of Atlanta, 610. 

173. Scene of McPhcrson's Death, GI3. 

174. Sherman in Council, 615. 

175. Ezra's Church, G16. 

17G. Dead Brook, Ezra's Church, 616. 

177. Shormrtn'g Army destroying the Macon 

Railroad, 616. 

178. Atlanta, Georgia, 617. 

179. Confederate Prisoners from Joncsboroogh, 

616. 

180. Confederate Exodus from .Atlanta, 61&. 

181. Workshop;) — Army of the Potomac, 622. 

182. Hancock's Corps crossing the Rapidan,02fi« 

183. Fighting in the Wilderness, 627. 

184. Scene of Wndsworth's Death, 629. 

185. Fire-proof where Sedgirick foil, 63a 



ILlUSTRATiONg. 



. Spottsylvania Coort-hoase, 631. 

. Jericho Mills, North Anno, (132. 

. Rifle-pits, North Anno, 632. 

. Quarles's Mills, North Anna, G32. 

i. Battery on the North Anna, 632. 

. Crowing the Ny, G33. 

!. Crossing tho North Anna, G33. 

. Crossing tlits I'amunkcy, 684. 

. Cold Harbor, 035. 

i. Petersburg, 638. 

;. Fight with the MHitnrj— New York Riots, 

052. 
'. New York Rioters Imaging a Negn>, C">2. 
:. Chnrgeof Police at the Tribune (Mice, G.'iJ. 
t. Burning of Colored Orphan Asylum, 053. 
i. Soldiers voting for President, 008. 
, Hood's Attack on Allatoona, G72. 
:. Destruction of the Depots, etc., at Atlanta, 

075. 
;. Nashville from Edgefield, 080. 
. Nashville from the opposite Bank, 080. 
. Eastport, Tennessee, 081. 
;, Saltville, Virginia, 682. 
. Salt Valley, 082. 
. Fourteenth and Twentieth Corps leaving 

Atlanta, 083. 
i. Sherman and his Generals, 081. 
'. Atlanta in Ruins, 685. 
. Millen Prison— Exterior, G87. 
. Millen Prison— Interior, 087. 
. Destruction of Millen Junction, C87. 
. Copitolnt MilledgeviUc, 088. 
. Fort McAllister, G88. 
. Assault on Fort McAllister, 689. 
. Sherman's Army entering Savannah, COO. 
. Fort Jackson, Savannah, 091. 



. Map of the Campaign in Virginia, 381 

. Map of Operation;) August 2B, 20, 30, 

. Map of Operations in Maryland, 894. 

'. Movements from September 10 lo 17, 

:. Routes to Richmond, 407. 

. Plan of Attack on Fort Pulaski, 420. 

I Chart oF Galveston Bay, 421. 

. Route from Ncivheni toG-'Idibornugli, 428. 

'. Course of the Mississippi River, 429. 

. Bird's-eye View of the Mississippi P,a-ii 

435. 

. Mnp of Mississippi < cut ml Railroad, 444. 

. Operations on the Yazoo and Arkansu: 

445. 

I. Battle of Chickasaw Bavoa, 440. 

', Williams's Canal, 452. 

i. The Lake Providence Route, 452. 

. The Yazoo Pass Rente, 452. 

'. The Steele's Bayou Route, 452. 



381. Ames, Adelbert, 728. 

882. Avrcs, Romeyn B.,760. 

383. Hanks, Nathaniel P., 577. 

384. Barlow, Francis C, 400. 

385. Bellows, Henry W., 702. 
38G. Bimcy, David B..G94. 

387. Blair, Francis, Jr., 084. 

388. Blake, Homer C, 425. 
380. Booth, J. Wilkes, 784. 

300. Brough,.Tohn, 054. 

301. Bnford, John, 507. 

892. Burnside, Ambrose E., 40G. 

333. Cnnhv, E. R.S.,744. 

804. Chase, Salmon P., 6G5. 

30.-.. Colfax, Schuyler, 606. 

89G. Conkling, Roscoej 810. 

307. Corbctt, Boston, 785. 

898. Crook,George, 711. 

300. Cnrtin, Andrew G., 054. 

400. dishing, W. B., 722. 

401. Dalhgret], Ulric, 523. 

402. Dans, Charles II., 430. 

403. Davis, Jeff. C, 084. 

404. Davis, Henry Winter, GG2. 

405. Dayton, William L..GG4. 
40G. Dnpont, Samuel F., 734. 

407. Eliot, Charles, 433. - 

408. Ellet, Charles Rivers, 433. 

409. Ellsworth, Oliver, GGG. 



. Confederates eTOccariDg Savannah, 691. 

. Sherman's Headquarters at Savannah, 692. 

. Battery before Petersburg, 094. 

. Building Works, 605. 

. A Mortar Battery, G95. 

. Return of Kiuiik's Cavalry, 69G. 

. Signal Station, GOT. 

, din-ving Powder to the Mine, G97. 

. FxplV.sir'm of the Miue, G08. 

. In tho Trenches before Petersburg, 700. 

. Confederate Works at Hatcher's Kan. 701. 

. Union Works on the Weldon Road, 702. 

. Bringing in Prisoners by Night, 702. 

. Destruction of the WclJi'n Railrnad, 703. 

. Union Works before Petersburg, 704. 

. Dutch Gap Canal, 705. 

. Raid of the Confederate Iron-dads 700. 

. Cutting the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 

707. 
. Pillaging at Fingers town, 708. 
. Sacking a Flour-mill, 708. 
. Early recrossing the Potomac, 708. 
. Ruins of Chamber burg— Main Street, 700. 
. Ruins of Chambersburg— The Town Hall, 

709. 
. CnTilcderate Runt at Winchester, 710. 
. Fort Thunderbolt, Savannah, 714. 
. Slocum crossing the Savannah at Sister's 

Ferry, 715. 
. Pocotaligo Depot, 715. 
. Marching rlinmgh the Swnmps, 716. 
. Entering Binokville, South Carolina, 71G. 
. Crossing the South Edisto, 71G. 
. Sherman entering Columbia, 717. 
. Columbia on Fire, 710. 
. Winnsborough, South Carolina, 719. 



. Hanging Rock, Sooth CaroKiia, 719. 

. Foragers starting out, 720. 

. Foragers returning to Camp, 720. 

. U. S. Arsenal at Fayelteville, 720. 

. Tug-boat Donaldson with Supplies, 721. 

. Albemarle attacking the Federal Fleet. 7l.'2. 

. Saasacns ramming the Albemarle, 723. 

. Destruction of the Albemarle, 723. 

. Blockading Fleet, Wilmington — I lid Inlet, 
724. 

. Blockading Fleet, Wilmington — New In- 
let, 724. 

. The Powder-boat Louisiana, 725. 

. Fort Fisher, 72G. 

. Iron-clad Monitor Monndnock, 726. 

, Federal Fleet at Hnmpion Roads, 727. 

. Transport Fleet off Federal Point, 728. 

. The Monitors in a Gale, 728. 

. Landing of Troops shove Fort Fisher, 731. 

. Fleet celebrating the Capture cl'Fort Fish- 
er, 732. 

. Fort Sumter, 733. 

. City of Charleston, 733. 

. Dnpont'B Expedition leaving Beaufort, 735. 

, Confederate Rums engaging tins Fleet off 
Charleston, 735. 

. Bombardment of Fori Sumter, 736. 

. Sinking of the Keokuk, 738. 

. Ruins of Light-house. Morris's Island, 740. 

. Sharp-shooters before Wagner, 741. 

. The Swamp Angel, 741. 

. Portion of Charleston under Fire, 742. 

. (.'"iii'ederate Evacuatii. [".Morris's Island, 

748. 

. Federal Fleet in Mobile Bay, 745. 

. Capture of tho Tennessee, 74G. 



MAPS AND PLANS. 



331. From Milliken's Bend lo New Carthage, 

332. Scheme of Griereon's Rnid, 456. 

333. Map of Port Hudson, 400. 

334. The Bayou Teche Campaign, 460. 

335. Grnnt's V i< k-tmrg Campaign, 465. 
330. Map of the Vi.Lsburg Defenses, 474. 

337. Siege of Vieksburg, 477. 

338. Region near Chaneellorsville, 401. 
330. Invasion of Pennsylvania, 503. 

340. Plan of Gettysburg Cemetery, EOT, 

341. Battle of Gettysburg, 509. 

342. Map of Campaign. Jul v— November, I8G3, 

518. 

343. Advance through Hoover's Gap, 530. 

344. Middle Tennessee Campaign, 530. 

345. Bumside's East Tennessee Campaign, 533. 

346. Hosecrans's Movements, September, 4— 12, 



. Position before the Battle of the 19th, 543. 

. Battle of t'hicknmnuga, Sept. 19th, 545. 

. Battle of Chickamnuga, Sept. 20th, 547. 

. Siege of Knoxville, 552. 

. Battle of Wauhatchie, 556. 

. Battles about Chattanooga, 665. 

. Map of Mississippi, 570. 

. Forrest's Teiiuo-T.ee Expedition, 671. 

. Map of Louisiana, 578. 

. Plan of Fort Do Rnssy, 5S4. 

. The Red River Campaign, C85. 

. Map of Missouri, 594. 

. The Atlanta Campaign, G08. 

. Rousseau's Raid, 611. 

. Cavalry Raids— Atlanta Campaign, G14. 

. ( iterations' in Virginia, Mav, 1SG4 — April, 

1865,036. 
. Isometric View of the Virginia Campaign, 

639. 



2t&. Fort Slorgan after its Surrender, 741 

284. Light-house at Fort Morgan, 747. 

285. Grant's Headquarters, City Point, 751. 
28G. Field Hospital, .Ninth Corps, 752. 

287. ITcgro Quarters— Army of the James, 752. 
283. Union and Confederate Works before Pe- 
tersburg, 754. 
2.S0. Bridge on Military Railroad, 756. 
200. Ewell's Headquarters, near Richmond, 758. 

291. Works captured by the Sixth Corps, 702. 

292. Evacuation of Petersburg, 763. 
203. Occupation of l'eiersluirg, 764. 

294. Richmond, from Gamble's Hill, 765. 

295. Ruins of Richmond— Main Street, 7G6. 
200. McLean's House, 7G7. 

207. Position of Lee's Army when surrendered, 

770. 
298. The Inst Shot, 771. 
200. The last Review, 772. 

300. James Bennett's II ouse— Johnston's Sur- 

render, 77fi. 

301. Johnston's Surrender, 776. 

802. Small-arms surrendered by Johnston, 777, 

803. Aceoutrenienis surrendered by Johnston, 

777. 
301. Lincoln at Home, 781. 

305. Lincoln's lb .me, Springfield, Illinois, 782. 

306. Ford's Theatre, Washington, 783. 

307. Garrett's Barn nnd Outhouses, 785. ' 

308. Booth's Inscription on the Window-pane, 

786. 

809. Mrs. Surratt's House, Washington, 787. 

810. Grand Review at Washington, 700. 

811. Grand Review at Washington, 793. 

312. Confederate Prison-camp, Filmiin, 704. 

313. Andersonvillo Cemetery, 706. 



. Map illustrating Hood's Invasion, G76. 

. Battle of Nashville, 678. 

. Map of the March to the Sea, G88. 

. The Lines at Petersburg and Richmond, 

693. 
. Approaches to Savannah, 713. 
. Sherman's Carolina March, 718. 
. Plan of Columbia, South Carolina, 718. 
. Wilmington and its Approaches, 722. 
. Map of Fort Fisher, 729. 
. Charleston and its Environs, 730. 
. Mobile Bay, 745. 
. Map of Wilson's Alabama nnd Georgia 

Cnmpnign, 748. 
. Sli.nemun's Nnrth Carolina Raid, 740. 
. Five Forks — Warren's Movements, 759. 
. Retreat and Pursuit of Lee, 7G0. 
. Flight nnd Pursuit of Davis, 779. 
. President's Box at Ford's Theatre, 783. 



PORTRAITS. 



410. Emory, William H., 472. 

411. Ewing, Hugh, 4G8. 

412. Fessenden, William Pitt, 800. 

413. Foster, Lafayette S., 806. 
413a. Franklin, William B., 398. 

414. Geary, John W., 657. 

415. Gillem, Alvin G., 750. 

416. Gilimore, Quincy A., 740. 

417. Granger, Gordon, 745. 

418. Grant, Ulysses S.,G21. 
410. Grierson, Benjamin II. ,456. 

420. Grirrin,CharicsG.,7GI. 

421. Grover, Cuvier, 472. 

422. Halleck, Henry W., 381. 

423. Hampton, Wade, 718. 

424. Harold, David C, 787. 

425. Harker, Charles G., 008. 
420. Hays, Alexander, 626. 

427. FJaicti, William B., G84, 690. 

428. Hooker, Joseph, 483. 

429. Howard, Oliver O., 614, GB4. 

430. Humphreys, Andrew A., 518. 

431. Jay, John, G65. 

432. Johnson, Andrew, 709. 

433. Kearney, Philip, 300. 

434. Kilpatrick, Judson C, G84,68B 

435. Lincoln. Abraham, 781. 
430. Logan, John A., 403,684. 



437. 


Lovejoy, Owen, 648. 


4GG 


Seymour, Horatio, 651. 


438 


Mansfield, Joseph E., 399. 


4G7 


Shaw, RobertG., 740. 


439. 


Marshall, John, 665. 


4G8 


Sheridi.it, Philip H., 023. 


440. 


McCook, Daniel, G08. 


469 


Sherman, William Tecumseh, 007, 084. 


441. 


MeCulloch, Hugh, 801. 


470 


Sickles, Daniel E., 498. 


442. 


McPherson, James B., 465, 613. 


471 


Sigel, Franz, 388. 


443. 


Monde, George G., 501. 


472 


Slocum, H, W., 684. 


444. 


Miles, Nelson A., 761. 


478 


Smith, A. J., 587. 


445. 


Morgan, James D.,C71. 


474 


Smith, W. S.,671. 


446. 


Mott, Gcrsnom,C94. 


475 


Sleedninn, James B., G79. 


447. 


Mower, A. J., 684. 


47G 


Stevens, Isaac J., 390. 


448. 


Negtcy, James S., 589. 


477. 


Stevens, Thaddeus, 812. 


449. 


l'arke, John G.,554. 


476 


Strong, George C, 740. 


450. 


Payne (Powell), Lewis, 780. 


470 


Sttirgis.S. D.,574. 


451. 


I'emlierton, John C., 404. 


480 


Sumner, Charles, 657. 


4S2. 


Pendleton, George II., 6G9. 


481. 


Sun-aft, John 11., 787. 


453. 


Plcosonton, Alfred, 403. 


482 


Taney, Roger B., 005. 


454. 


Poj.c, John. 382. 


483. 


Tony, Alfred 11., 731, 


465. 


Purler, Benjamin H., 730. 


484. 


Torbert, Albert, 712. 


456. 


Porter, David D., 730. 


485. 


VallandJgham, Clement, L., C44. 


457. 


Potter, Robert B. T 531. 


48G. 


Wad-worth, James S-, 628. 


458. 


Preston, Samuel W,, 780. 


487. 


Wagner, G. D..G77. 


459. 


Ransom, T. K.G.,'687. 


488. 


Wanen, Gotiverneur K., 624. 


4G1. 


Rodgers, John, 430. 


489. 


Washburnc,C. C.,471. 


462. 


Ruiis-eau, Lovell H., (171. 


490. 


Williams, A. 5., 721. 


463. 


Ratlin, Edmund, 772. 


491. 


Wilson, James FL, 750. 


464. 


Sedgwick, John, 630. 


492. 


Winslow, John A.,425. 


4S5. 


Seinmcs, Raphael, 424. 


493. 


Wright, Horatio G., 680. 



RUHR 




THE FIRST PEAL FOR LIBERTY. 



i ■.-,. --..:.: ■-■'■, by linger A Brother* 




INTRODUCTION. 

Colonization of Tni; Coitntut which become the United States of America. — The Colonists 
of one Race, and almost uf one Condition.— Difference in Occupation, Religious Character, and 
Education.— Slavery.— British Arrogance And Oppression.— First Colonial Congress.— Conti- 
nental Congress.— Revolutionary War.— Independence won, not by any Colon)-, but by the 
United Colonies.— A Nation in Fact, but not in Form. —Lack and Need of a Sovereign Power. 
—Constitutional Convention. — A "Notional" Government formed, and not o Confederation. — 
Sovereignty in the Centra] Government: States never Independent Sovereignties. — Constitu- 
tion adopted by the People, and not by the State Governments.— Prosperity. — The one Ele- 
ment of Discord and Misfortune. — Necessary Compromise of Opinions nnd Interests. — Great 
political Advantages gained by the Slave Interest. — Consequent Tendencies in the Slnvc States 
to Oligarchy.— Addition of new States to the Union. —Slavery retains its politico! Advantage. 
— Great Increase of the Free States in Wealth and Population.— Formation of n Slavery Party. 
—Reprobation of Slavery throughout Christendom.— The Colonization Society.— The Missouri 
Compromise.— The Abolitionists.— Effect of tltc Abolition Agitation.— Aggressive nnd pre- 
scriptive Policy of the Fire-eating Slovoholi I its.— Endeavors to extend nnd to limit the Area 
of Slavery, — John C. Calhoun's Position, — The. Fugitive-slave Law. — Obeyed to the Letter by 
the People of Massac h use lis.— The Kansas-Nebraska Bill.— The Territorial Issue.— The Strug- 
gle in Kansas.— Assault on Senator Sumner.— The Drcd Scott Decision. — Resistance by Free 
Slates.— Person ol-libcrty Laws. — Breaking up of the Democratic Party.— John Brown's Raid. 
—Presidential Nominating Conventions of I860.— The Democratic Convcniion broken up on 
the Slavery Issue.— This Result brought about by the Politicians of the Cotton States.— Nomi- 
nation of Bell and Everett, of Lincoln and Hamlin, of Douglas and Johnson, of Breckinridge 
and Lane, — Treason in President Buchanan's Cabinet.— Election of Abraham Lincoln. — No 
sectional Division of the Country. — Homogeneousncss of the People of the United States.— The 
Jjiii.ji.ru,- produced by Slavery and Ignorance, and Freedom nnd Education. — Excitement 



upon the Election of Mr. Lincoln.— Preparations for Secession in South Carolina.— The Peo- 
ple of the other Slave States not ready or willing to Secede.— Agitation throughout the South. 
— Forced Inaction of the Government.— Gloom at the North.— Opposition to the Course of 
Sooth Carolina throughout the Slave Slates.— Meeting of Congress.— President Buchanan's 
vacillating Message. — An empty Treasury.— Efforts to Preserve the Union. — Obslinocy of South 
Carolina. — Passage of her Ordinance of Secession.— President Buchanan found wanting. — Fi- 
nancial Disturbance and Ruin in Northern Cities. — Confidence at the South. — Fraud and 
Treason in the Cabinet. — Gloom and Despondency at the North. 

THE people of the North American colonies lying between New Bruns- 
wick on the north and Florida on the south took a place among the 
nations in the year 1789. Tbey were English people. For the Dutch col- 
ony of New Netherlands was so small and so inert that, even in its Dutch 
day, it made little impression upon the country, and none at all of an en- 
during kind upon the character of the new nation ; while the Swedes, who 
settled near the mouth of the Delaware, were such a mere handful of men 
that, in this respect, they are not even to be taken into consideration. 1 The 
new nation was singularly homogeneous, whether in regard to the race or 
the condition of the people who composed it The nation from which it 



1 In 1G47 the population of Virginia and Maryland was 20,000; that of New England ns many 
more ; while in New Netherlands, including the Swedes on the Delaware, there were only between 
two and three thousand j and of these so large a proportion were Englishmen that, some years be- 
fore, it had lieen found necessary to appoint an English secretary to the Dntch governor, nnd to 
promulgate ordinances in English. To New Enrjlnnd, Virginia, and Maryland were afterward 
added the English colonics of Pennsylvania, the Carolines, and Georgia. 



INTRODUCTION. 



had severed itself, being composed of English, Welsh, Scotch, and Irish ele- 
ments — four distinct peoples, of widely different origin, traits, and habits, hav- 
ing been gathered by accident and the sword into the kingdom of Great 
Britain — was upon this point notably its opposite. But even in England 
proper there was not a greater predominance of sheer English blood ; while 
the absence of any distinction of rank, and the comparative rarity of any 
wide difference of condition among its citizens, was almost peculiar to it 
among the states of Christendom. The sameness of its component parts 
was therefore so great that, compared in its substance with any other nation, 
it consisted of but a single element. Its marked and almost unprecedented 
homogeneousn ess was its distinctive character. 

Such difference as there was between the people of the several common- 
wealths which formed this nation was caused almost entirely by variety of 
occupation, of religious conviction, and of consequent social habits ; and 
thus the difference was, both in kind and in degree, merely such as always 
exists among people not only of tbe same nation, but of the same city and 
the same neighborhood. The settlements at the North were made by men 
who sought chiefly that liberty in religious affairs which thej', in their turn, 
austerely denied to others: those at the South were planted, not settled, by 
men of wealth and rank in England, who sent over such adventurers as they 
could induce to embark in their enterprise, while they themselves remained 
at home to receive the lion's share of the profit. To those who went out as ad- 
venturers to the Plantations, as the American settlements were called, 2 there 
were added quite a large number of convicts, many of whom doubtless se- 
cured there the opportunity of reformation, and the means of reputable 
life. At the North the settlers clustered in farm-houses round their churches, 
and wrung a frugal living from a reluctant soil, seeking to lead a thrifty, 
independent, " godly" life, according to their stern notions of godliness. At 
the South men sought great profit by the rude culture of large tracts of rich 
land, upon which labor soon began to be performed chiefly by negro slaves ; 
and dwelling-houses were consequently scattered widely through the Planta- 
tions, until at last each farm came to be called a plantation. At the North, 
religion, as distinguished from the practice of tbe Christian virtues, was min- 
gled with all public and private affairs; the tone of society was ascetic; 
and there was no hierarch.il church government. At the South religion was 
not regarded, except in so far as it was a proper and a reputable thing to be 
attended to; no artificial restraint was placed upon social intercourse; con- 
vivial habits prevailed ; and in religious affairs, except among a few Scotch 
devotees of Presbyterianism, the Church of England had full control. To 
these traits of unlikencss must be added one other, which, in the event, 
proved to be of greater importance than either, or, indeed, than all of those 
which have been named. In New England, hardly were the comforts of 
life moderately secured, when provision began to be made for the intel- 
lectual education of the people; and this not only by the establishment of 
a college for the cultivation of the higher branches of learning, but by the 
instruction, in grammar-schools and by clergymen, of all the children in the 
colony. But at the South, only persons of some wealth and social position, 
and not all of those, sought the advantages of intellectual culture for their 
sons. 3 From the beginning to the present day this education of the mass of 
the people has been the grand distinctive feature between the country lying 
north of the Potomac and the Ohio, and that upon the south, with some excep- 
tion as to Maryland and Kentucky. Consequently, tbe education of the coun- 
try at large, and its position in literature, science, and tbe arts, are almost en- 
tirely due to the northern part of it. The men of the South who were edu- 
cated received their education mostly at New England colleges, or in those of 
states which were settled by New England men, or had been brought under 
New England influence; or they were taught at home by tutors who were 
themselves educated in those colleges; and the comparatively little knowl- 
edge diffused through tbe mass of poor and untaught people around them has 
been due to intercourse with men who, born and bred in the northern, have 
sought homes in the southern part of the country. But, although the men- 
tal instruction of the whole country has thus come mainly from the North, 
the original difference in moral training and social organization between tbe 
northern and southern colonies has been mainly preserved. 4 

In one point society in these colonies was somewhat peculiar : the people 
of all of them, north and south, held negro slaves, and dealt in them. But 
neither the presence of the negroes nor their enslaved condition was due to 
the direct agency of the colonists; nor were they, in this respect, absolutely 
distinguished from their fellow -subjects of the mother country. Slaves were 
transported to the colonics at first against the wishes of the colonists; and 
whoever chooses to examine the London papers of the last century may find, 
even as late as 1776, advertisements of "black boys," and even of "black 
girls," who " have lived in England several years," and who are to be " sold 
at a bargain." There was, then, no essential difference between tbe English- 
men of America and the Englishmen of Great Britain. The former, taken 
as a whole, corresponded to the middle class of Englishmen in the mother 



* Plantation was merely another English word for colony, colonizing. 

' In 1671, more limn sixty years after the settlement ryf Virginia, Governor Berkeley, of that 
colony, laid, in a report to the Privy Council, "I thank God there are no free-schools nor print- 
ing, and I hope wo shall not hovo these hundred years ; for learning has brought disobedience, 
and heresy, and sects into the world, and printing has divulged them, and libels against the best 
government: God keep us from both." 

■ * John Adams, writing to Joseph Hawloy, Nov. 26th, 177fi, says: "The characters of gentle- 
men in tho four New Encland colonies differ as much from those in the others ns that of the com- 
mon people differs; that is, as much as several distinct nations almost. Gentlemen, men of sense, 
or any kind of education, in the other colonics, arc much fewer in proportion than in New En- 
gland. Gentlemen in tho colonies have large plantations of slaves, and the common people among 
them are very ipjiorant and very poor. These gentlemen are accustomed, habituated to higher 
notions of themselves, and the distinction betweer them nod tho common people than we are."— 
John Adami's Works, vol. ix., p. 3G7, 



[lfSa 

country, exhibiting about the same moral, intellectual, and social variety of 
character, modified, and perhaps not for the worse, by the enterprise and 
self-reliance taught them by their comparative isolation, by privation, and 
adversity. 

Such was the people which the British government began to alienate, 
about 1750, by denying them their rights of birth as Englishmen ; by treat- 
ing them as mere creatures of convenience, to be worked for the benefit of 
British commerce and the aggrandizement of the mother country; by im- 
posing burdensome taxes and irritating laws upon them without their con- 
sent; by rejoining to their plea in behalf of the establishment of a college 
in Virginia, that tbey had souls to be saved, "Souls! damn your souls I 
plant tobacco l" s Of this arrogance of purpose and insolence of manner, 
and of this notion that Anglo-Americans should exist chiefly for the benefit 
of British commerce and British manufactures, we shall sec that two wars 
and the lapse of more than a hundred years have not quite rid the governing 
classes of Great Britain. This unnatural and selfish policy had its natural 
antagonizing effect. Tbe outside pressure bound together the people upon 
whom it was brought to bear. Though scattered over a wide extent of coun- 
try, and having separate local governments, they bad free intercourse ; and 
their common trial made them feel that they were not only one in blood, but 
one in interest. They began to act in concert, not for independent political 
existence, but for self-defense within the British Constitution. 

In 1765 the first Colonial Congress for redress of grievances assembled at 
New York. But it was in no sense an authoritative body. It was composed 
of delegates from the several Colonial Assemblies, with three exceptions, who 
acted under special instructions. They set forth a Declaration of Rights and 
Grievances; they petitioned the King, and sent memorials to Parliament. 
But they only claimed all the privileges of Englishmen as their birthright, 
and therefore protested against being taxed by a body in which they were 
not represented. Their doings were warmly approved by the Assemblies 
and the people of all the colonies, and the first step was unconsciously taken 
toward the political union, the separate national existence, of the English race 
in America. Tbe lapse of nine years, passed in the endurance of a common 
oppression from their common mother, and in continuous consultation as to 
their means of resistance, developed rapidly a unity of feeling in the colo- 
nies, which took form in the Continental Congress, composed of leading men 
from twelve provinces, which assembled in Philadelphia. Under the guid- 
ance of this body the power of the British government was in the course of 
events defied, and the independence of the colonies declared and maintained; 
but at first it merely imitated its predecessor in adopting a Declaration of 
Rights, in which the privileges of Englishmen and British subjects were 
claimed — most important of ali, the right of being bound by no law to which 
they had not consented by their representatives. It took no active measure 
of resistance, and merely recommended one which may be called passive — 
a voluntary association, pledging the associators to entire commercial non- 
intercourse with Great Britain. It is desirable to bring to mind these well- 
known facts in view of the character and the pretensions of tbe rebellion 
the course of which wc arc about to trace, and also of the grounds on which 
the government of the United States took up arms for its suppression. 

The Continental Congress, assembling first as a mere deliberative body, as- 
sumed, in the rapid course of events, 
the sole and absolute direction of the 
common interests of the colonies; 
and this assumption received the 
hearty, though informal, assent of a 
majority of the people so large that 
to all intents and purposes it was 
unanimous. As tbe War of Inde- 
pendence went on, as the people of 
the several provinces shared each 
other's anxieties and bore each oth- 
er's burdens, as they stood shoulder 
to shoulder in defense of their com- 
mon birthright, their common lib- 
erty, and their common interests, 
and saw each other in great masses 
face to face, as the leading men of 
one province were placed in author- 
ity over the people of another — 
the Virginia planter, Horatio Gates, commanding the northern army, and the 
Rhode Island iron-master, Nathaniel 
Greene, tbe southern — as social inter- 
course became at once more diffused 
and more intimate, they felt with 
unanimity that since tbey bad de- 
clared themselves no longer part of 
the British nation, they were one na- 
tion of themselves. Their identity 
of blood was a patent fact, like the 
presence of the sun in the heavens, 
neither to be denied nor to be assert- 
ed; and sentiment, interest, and fu- 
ture security led them to regard their 
union as of paramount importance. 
These people were at last solemnly 





1 Reply ol Seymour, Attorney General under Willi* 
ence, vol. i., p. 1G5. 



ind Mary. See Franklin's Correspond. 



INTRODUCTION. 



absolved from the bond which bound them politically to the mother coun- 
try — a bond which, instead of being a tie of kindred, love, and mutual re- 
spect, as they at first assumed it was and then hoped it might be, had been 
made, against the protests of the best and brightest intellects in the British 
Parliament — chief among them Pitt (Lord Chatham) and Edmund Burke — 




a galling fetter. They were independent, they were united, they were one 
people. In the fierce heat of their fiery trial and under the blows which 
had fallen so thickly and heavily upon them, they had been welded togeth- 
er as iron is welded into iron. But, although a nation in fact, they were not 
a nation in form. Distinguished as we have seen that this people was 
among the nations by its essential homogeneousness, it yet lacked that form- 
al political unity which was necessary alike to its government as one na- 
tion at home and its recognition as one nation abroad. This great defect 
was felt the more from the exhaustion, the confusion, and the partial dis- 
organization of society which followed the long War of Independence. 
But it was chiefly brought to the attention of the thinking men of the 
country by the jealousy with which the states began to watch and defend 
their interests, and by the inability of the Continental Congress, which was 
the representative power of the Confederation, to fulfill treaties, raise rev- 
enue, and maintain an army. There was no sovereign authority. The col- 

• Articles of Confederal 

Bay, Rhodt Aland 

nta, Delaware, M*r 
Article 1. Tbcstyl 
Art. 2. Each fll 



tr/ttuat Union bcticctn the States of New Hampshire, iLfastaefauetU 
■■M J'lanlations, Connecticut, New York', New Jency, Painst/lva- 
•■jmia. North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 
Mnfederncy shall be, "The United States of America." 
■ sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and even* power, juris- 
diction, and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States in 
Congress assembled. 

Art. 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other 
for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare ; 
binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, on 
aceoant of religion, sovereignty, trade, or nny other pretext whatever. 

Art. i. The better to secure and perpetaatc mutual friendship and intercourse among the peo- 
ple of the different states in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these states (paupers, vaga- 
bonds, and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to nil privileges and immunities of 
free citizens in the several states; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and re- 
gress to and from any other state, aad shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, 
subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively! 
provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of propcrtv im- 
ported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided,' also, 
that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall bs laid by .any state on the property of the United 
States, or either of them. 

If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any state, 
shall Ike from justice, and be found in nny of the United States, he shall upon demand of the gov- 
ernor, or executive power of the slate from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the 
state having jurisdiction of his offense. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and judicial 
proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. 

Art. 5. For the more convenient management of the general interests of iho United States, 
delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each state shall di- 
rect, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November in every year, with a power reserved 
to each state to recall its delegates or nny of them, nt any time within the year, and to send oth- 
ers in their stead for the remainder of the year. 

No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two nor by more than seven members; 
and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in nny term of six 
years; nor shall nny person, being a delegate, be capable of holding nny office under the United 
States, for which he, or nny other for his benefit, receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind. 
Each state shall maintain its nwn delegates in nny meeting of the states, and while they act as 
members of the committee of the states. 

In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state shall bnvo one 

Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or 
place out of Congress; and the members of Congress shall lie protected in their persons" from ar- 
rests and imprisonments, during the time of their guing to and from and attendance on Congress, 
except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

AltT. G. No stale, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send 
an embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into nny conference, agreement, alliance, 
or treaty, with any king, prince, or state; nor shall nnv person holding nnv office of profit or 
trust under the United States, or any of them, ncccpt of any present, emolument, office, or title 
of nny kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state ; nor shall the United States In Con- 
gross assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 



l* stat<-, nlm 1 1 enter ii 



> any treaty, confederation, < 



e whatever be twee 



them, without the : consent of the United States In Con press assembled, specifying accurately the 
purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. 

No state .shall lay any Imposts or duties, which mav interfere with any stipulations in treaties 
entered into by the United Stales in Congress assembled, with nnv king, prince, or, state, in pur- 
suance of any treaties drcady proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. 

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of pence, by any state, except such number only as 
shall he deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled for the defense of such 
state or it* trade ; nor shall any body of forces 1* kept up by nnv slate in time of pence, except 
such number only as, in the judgment of the United Slates in Congress assembled, shall bo deemed 
requisite to gamson tho forts necessary for the defense of such state ; but every stuto shall always 



onies or provinces had never possessed sovereignty. They had their As- 
semblies, by which their local laws were made, which, in most of them, re- 
quired the assent of a governor appointed by the British crown ; but the sov- 
ereignty over all of them was in the government of Great Britain. In 1776 
they declared, not their individual sovereignty, but their independence, as 
" united colonies ;" as united colonies they won that independence, under the 
almost absolute exercise of power by the Continental Congress. Not only 
did no colony assert its sovereignty, but no colony won its independence. 
Yet it is not strange that a people who had just cast off the restraint of one 
sovereignty should have been slow, in their first days of relief, to assume that 
of another, especially when they were provided with local governments of 
ample powers to administer their local affairs. And beside all this, local in- 
terests, local ambitions, local jealousies, such as exist in the oldest and most 
compact nations, could be used by designing men to prevent consolidation, 
and might have an influence that way even with the candid and the patriotic. 
So the very Articles of Confederation themselves were adopted only after 
long hesitation. 8 Proposed by the Continental Congress in 1777, they were 
not ratified by all the states until 1781. By these articles the states enter- 
ed into "a firm league of friendship" with each other for their common de- 
fense and genera] welfare ; each state renounced the right to send embas- 
sies, make treaties, and declare war; and the union was to be perpetual. 
But aside from the fact that a league implies sovereign "high contracting" 
parlies, by the second of these Articles of Confederation it was expressly set 
forth that each state retained its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and 
all rights and powers not explicitly granted by that instrument to the Con- 
gress. The vote in the Congress was by states ; each state had but one vote ; 
and each paid its own delegates. There was no supreme executive, legisla- 
tive, or judicial power for the whole country. The ministers and commis- 
sioners of the Congress, and the people themselves, proudly claimed the posi- 
tion due to " an independent nation ;" and yet the nation was, politically, not 
one, but many. In a very few years the consequence was discord and confu- 
sion within, impending anarchy and threatening danger without. The Con- 
tinental Congress, once omnipotent, was every day more and more disre- 
garded. The new nation found that, in spite of its colonial Assemblies, which 
bad been renamed State Legislatures, if it would continue its existence, some- 
thing was needed in place of the sovereignty which had been east off. That 
needed, but perhaps not altogether desired, supremacy, it found at last in 
the Constitution of the United States. 



keep up a well-regulated and disciplined mililia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall pro- 
vide and have constantly ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, 
and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. 

No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assem- 
bled, unless such state lie actually invaded by enemies, or shall have certain advice of a resolution 
being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent ns not 
to admit of a delay till the United Slates in Congress assembled can be consulted; nor shall any 
state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it 
be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the 
kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, ogainst which war has been so declared, and undor 
such regulations ns shall be established by the United Stntes in Congress assembled, unless such 
state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may bs fitted rut for that occasion, and 
kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall 
determine otherwise. 

Am. 7. When land forces arc raised by nny slate for tho common defense, nil officers of or un- 
der the rank of colonel shall bo appointed by the Legislature of each state respectively by whom 
such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct ; and all vacancies shall 
be filled up by the state which first made the appointment. 

Art. 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense 
or general welfare, and allowed by tho United Stale? in ( longress assembled, shall be defrayed out 
of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states in proportion to the value of 
all land within each state granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings 
and improvements thereon shall be estimnted, nccording to such modo ns the United Slates in 
Congress assembled shall from time to time direct and appoint. 

The taxes for paying tliat proportion shall In.' laid and levied by the authority and direction of 
the Legislatures of the several states, within the time ngrced upon by the United States in Con- 
gress assembled. 

Art. !f. The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and 
power of determining on peace und war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth Article r of 
sending and receiving embassadors: entering into treaties und alliances; provided that no treaty 
of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of tho respective states shall be restrain- 
ed from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners ns their own people tiro subjected to, or 
from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatso- 
ever: of establishing rules for deciding in all cases what captures on land or water shall be legal, 
and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall 
be divided or appropriated: of granting letters of marque and reprisal in time or pence: ap- 
pointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high sens, and establishing 
courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in nil cases of captures; provided, that no 
member of Congress shall be appointed judge of nny of the said courls. 

The United Stales in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all dispute) 
and differences now subsisting, or (hut hereafter may arise between two or more stales concern- 
ing boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever ; which authority shall always be exercised 
in ihc manner following : whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of anj 
stale in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, Mating tho matter in ques. 
tion, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof all nil he given by order of Congress to the legislative 
or executive authority of the other state in controversy, nnd a day assigned for tho nppcarancc of 
the panics, by their lawful ngents, who shrill ihen be directed to appoint by joint consent commis- 
sioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the mntter in question; but if 
they can not agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United Stntes, and from 
tho list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners licginning, until 
the number shall bo reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more 
than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, lie drawn out by 
lot ; and the persons whoso names shall bo so drawn, or nny five of them, shall bo commission, 
crs or judges, to hear nnd finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the 
judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination ; and if cither parly shall 
neglect to attend nt the day nppointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge suf. 
ficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, tho Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons 
out of onch state, nnd the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or re- 
fusing; nnd tho judgment and sentence of the court to bo appointed in tho manner before pro- 
scribed, shall be final nnd conclusive ; nnd if any of the panics shall refuse to submit lo the au- 
thority of such court, or to appear, or defend their clnim or cnuse, tho court shall nevertheless pro- 
ceed to pronoiiuce sentence or judgment, which .shall in liko manner be final aud decisive, the 



1781. 



INTRODUCTION. 





As the formation of the people of the colonies into one independent state, 
or nation, had 



been brought about not suddenly, but by events extending ing in proportion to the rate of free population, or taxes paid ; a national ex- 



judgment or sentence, rind other proceedings, being in eitlicr cose transmitted to Congress, and 
lodged among the nets of Congress for the security of the parties concerned : provided, that ev- 
ery commissioner, before ho sits in judgment, sliall take an oath, to be administered by one of the 
judges of the supreme or superior court of the state where the cnuso shall be tried, "well and 
trulv to hear and determine the matter in question, according lo the best of his judgment, with- 
out 'favor, affection, or hope of reward;" provided also, that no state shall be deprived of territory 
for the benefit of the United States. 

All controversies concerning the private right of soil, claimed under different grants of two or 
more states, whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands and the states which passed such 
grams are adjusted, the said grants or cither of tlicm being at (he same time claimed to have 
originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, iholl, on the petition of either party to the 
Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is 
before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different slates, 

The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and pow- 
er of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the re- 
spective states; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States: reg- 
ulating the trade and managing nil affairs with the Indians not members of any of the states; 
provided, that the legislative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated : 
establishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another, throughout all the United States, 
and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray 
the expenses of the said office : appointing all officers of the land forces in the scrvico of the 
United States, excepting regimental officers : appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and 
commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States: making rules for the gov- 
ernment and regulation of the 6aid land and naval forces, and directing their operations. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit in 
the recess of Congress, to be denominated "a Committee of the States;" and to consist of one del- 
egate from each state, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary 
for managing the general affiiirs of the United States, under their direction : to appoint one of 
their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to servo in the office of President 
more than one year in any term of three years : to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be 
raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and npply the same for defraying 
the public expenses : to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting 
every half year to the respective states an account of the Bums of money so borrowed or emitted ; 
to build and equip n navy: to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions 
from each slate for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state ; 
which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the Legislature of each slate shall appoint the 
regimental officers, raise ihc men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in n soldier-liko manner, nt 
the expense of the United States ; and the officers and men lo bo clothed, armed, nnd equipped, 
shall march to the place appointed, nnd within the time agreed on hv the United States in Con- 
gress assembled ; but if the United Slates in Congress assembled shall, on consideration of cir- 
cumstances, judge proper that any state should not ruise men, or should raise a smaller num- 
ber than its quota, and that any other state should raise n greater number of men thou tho 
quota ihweot. such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the 



through half a century — brief period though that seems to the stu- 
dent of history — as their very independence was declared and won 
by a body appointed originally for no such purpose, so the consti- 
tution under which they assumed political form and unity was but 
the perfected fruit, the bud and 
blossom of which were the old 
Colonial and Continental Con- 
gresses ; and it was elaborated by 
a convention at first designed for 
a minor, incidental purpose con- 
nected with commerce and navi- 
gation, and which finally assem- 
bled with nothing more than the 
bettering of the Articles of Con- 
federation as its avowed and im- 
mediate object. Among that as- 
sembly of fifty -five men were 
George Washington, Benjamin 
Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, 

Roger Sherman, Robert and Gouverneur Morris, Oliver Ellsworth, 
Rufus King, Edmund Ran- 
dolph, Charles Cotesworth 
Pinckney, John Rutledge, 
William Livingston, and 
James Wilson,aman whose 
reputation is beneath his 
merits, of whom Washing- 
ton said that he was "as 
honest, candid, able a mem- 
ber as the Convention con- 
tained." It is not surpris- 
ing that a convention com- 
posed of such men, and of 
those who were worthy to 
be their associates, soon 
found that the Articles of 
Confederation were past all 
mending, except such as 

consists in remaking. In fact, the nation had far outgrown them. 
In spite of some jealous, short-sighted anxiety about state "sover- 
eignty," and some doubts whether the Convention was empowered 
to do more than amend and work over the old confederation, the 
very first resolution adopted in Committee of the Whole, after twen- 
ty-one days' debate, was, "That a National government ought to be 
established, consisting of a supreme Legislature, Executive, and Ju- 
diciary." The national and supreme character of the government 
which they were about to frame being thus deliberately decided 
upon, and explicitly declared, they addressed themselves to their 
labors. These were based in the main upon two plans by Edmund 
Randolph, of Virginia, and Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina. 
Mr. Randolph's plan proposed a national Legislature of two branch- 
es, the most numerous to be chosen by the people, the right of suffrage be- 




same manner as tho quota of such state, unless the Legislature of such state shall judge that such 
extra number can not be safely spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, officer, 
clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can bo safely spared. And 
the officers nnd men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and 
within tho time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. 

Tho United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters ofmarqus 
and reprisal in time of pence, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate 
the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums nnd expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of 
the United Suites or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow monoy'on the credit of the United 
States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or pur- 
chased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of 
the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same ; nor shall n qucsiion on any other point, 
except for adjourning from day lo day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of tho 
United States in Congress assembled. 

Tho Congress of the United Stales shall have power to adjourn to any time wuhm tho year, and 
10 any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration 
than the space of six months; and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except 
such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment re- 
quire secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each stale on any question shall be en- 
tered on tho journal when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of a slate, or any of 
them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such 
parts'as arc above excepted, to lay before ihc Legislatures of the several stales. 

Art 10. The Committee of the States, or any nine of them, ahnll bo authorized lo execute in 
the recess of Congress such of the powers of Congress as the United States in I iomjresa assembled, 
by the consent of nine states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with; pro- 
vided that no power be delegated to the said Committee, far the exercise of which, by the Articles of 
Confederation, the voice of nine states in the Congress or the United States assembled is requisite. 
Art 11 Canada, acceding to this Confederation, nnd joining in the measures of the United 
States shall be admitted into, and entitled to, all the advantages of tins Union ; but no other col- 
onv shall be admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed to by nine slates. 

Art 1" All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the au- 
thority- of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present Con- 
federation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United Slates, for payment and 
satisfaction whereof tho said United States and ilie public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. 

Art 13 Every state shall abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assem- 
bled on all questions which, by this Confederation, are submitted to thorn. And the Articles of 
this Confederation shall bo inviolably observed by every state, and ihc Un.on shall be perpetual; 
nor shall any alteration at nny time hereafter bo made in any of them, unless such alteration bo 
agreed to in a Congress of tho United States, nnd be afterward confirmed by the Legislatures of 

"ThMO Articles shall bo proposed to tho Legislatures of all the United States, lo bo considered, 
and if approved of t»y ihem, they are advised to authorize their delegates lo ratify the same in the 
Congress of tho United States ; which being done, the sumo shall become conclusive 



f787.1 



INTRODUCTION. 



rcutive and a national judiciary, both to be chosen by the national Legisla- 
ture- the national Legislature to have a negative on all state laws incon- 
sistent with the Articles of Union, and the national executive and judiciary 
to have as a Council of Revision, a qualified negative upon all laws, state as 
well as' national These were its most important and characteristic points. 
Mr Pinckncy's plan proposed essentially the same system, but attained its 
ends by simpler means ; and this seems to have been the actual ground- 
work of the present Constitution of the United States. 

Another plan was proposed by the delegates from New Jersey, Delaware, 
and New York This plan was the result of an avowed attempt to perpetu- 
ate the old confederation. It proposed to empower the Congress to appoint 
an executive of federal laws, officers for the federal army, and to establish a 
federal judiciary. It was but a make-shift; but even this plan proposed 
that the acts of Congress in accordance with the Articles of Confederation, 
and the treaties ratified by it, should be the supreme law of the land— a 
proposition which showed the necessity of that which the plan sought to 
avoid; for, without the establishment of a supreme goverament.it would 
have been impossible to enforce this provision against any powerful state 
which chose to set it at naught. The vital difference between the govern- 
ment proposed by this plan and that proposed by Virginia and South Caro- 
lina was, that the former dealt with states as the individuals responsible to 
it, and the latter with the whole people individually, as citizens of the United 
States, into which union, for all national purposes, the individuality and so- 
called "sovereignty" of the states was entirely merged. There was no mis- 
apprehension of the issue. It was clearly stated. "The true question is, ' 
said Mr. Randolph, "whether we shall adhere to the federal plan, or intro- 
duce the national plan. ... A national government alone, properly consti- 
tuted, will answer the purpose." After a debate of four days, the national 
plan was adopted, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the 
two Carolines, and Georgia voting for it, New York, New Jersey, and Dela- 
ware against it, the vote of Maryland being divided.' It is worthy of 
special note that Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, which 
then included Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, were all sup- 
porters, in express terms, of the "national" government, and that the plau 
which was the foundation of the system adopted was proposed by a dele- 
gate from South Carolina, while that which was its counterpart came from 
Virginia. 

After four months of patient, thoughtful labor, free discussion, considera- 
tion, reconsideration, commitment, and recommitment, and of mutual conces- 
sion to interest and to feeling, the Convention perfected the Constitution as 
it now exists, without the amendments made immediately upon its adoption. 
Probably not one of the delegates was entirely satisfied with it. Franklin 
avowed his dissatisfaction with several parts of it ; Hamilton had pn 





system essentially different from that which it established; yet they both de- 
voted themselves earnestly to the task of securing its adoption by the people, 
the latter (aided by Madison and Jay) in a series of papers which enjoy the 
rare distinction of having moulded popular opinion in their day, and of be- 
coming authority in statesmanship and classics in political literature. But, 
whatever the merits of the system of government established by this Consti- 
tution, there was no misap- 
prehension of its character 
in any quarter. Of two men 
in Virginia who opposed its 
adoption, Patrick Henry said 
in the Convention of that 
state, June, 1788, " Who au- 
thorized them to speak the 
language of 'We, the peo- 
ple,' instead of ' We, the 
states?' States are the char- 
acteristic and the soul of a 
confederation. If the states 
be not the agents of this com- 
pact, it must be one great 
consolidated national govern- 
ment of the people of all the 
states." And George Mason 
in the same body also said, 
"Whether the Constitution 
be good or bad, the present clause clearly discovers that it is a national gov- 
ernment, and no longer a confederation." The reply was not a denial of 
the nationality of the government, or an attempt to soften or gloze over its 




1 New Hampshire aud Rhode bleed were uoi reereeeewd la thia Convention. 



consolidated character, but the avowal of these features, and the showing, 
by James Madison, that they were necessary. The same eminent patriot 
aiid statesman replied also to an inquiry by Hamilton, on the part of New 
York, whether the Constitution could be adopted with a reserved right to 
secede, in case certain amendments were not made, by a decided negative; 
the Constitution "required an unconditional adoption in toto, and forever." 
By June, 17B8, nine states had adopted the Constitution, and thus merged 
their independent political existence in that of a new nation ; but it was not 
until May, 1790, that Rhode Island, the last of the thirteen, consented to be 
absorbed into the Union, and the many became one. 



As by the Constitution the powers not delegated by it to the United 
Slates, or prohibited to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, ot 
to the people, let us see what rights and powers they were which the people 
of each state gave up. They were the right and power to levy taxes and 
impose duties, to regulate commerce, to make naturalization laws, to coin 
money, to regulate post-offices and post-roads, to define and punish piracies, 
to declare war, to provide an army and navy, to enter into any treaty, alli- 
ance, or confederation, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, to emit bills 
of credit, to keep troops, ships of war in time of peace, and to enter into any 
agreement or compact, either with each other, or with a foreign power. 
They placed the decision in any controversy between either one of them 
and another, or the citizen of another, or the United States, in the hands of 
the national judiciary; and, most important and significant concession of 
all, they gave up the right to change their very form of state government. 
This Constitution, according to one of the most eminent of its framers, was 
adopted by all the states " unconditionally, in toto, and forever;" this Union, 
by the terms of that Constitution, was to be " perpetual." Had the revolted 
colonies secured an individual sovereignty when they won their collective 
independence, this instrument would have left them none of it, according to 
the manifest intention of its framers. After its adoption there would have 
remained no semblance of sovereignty, but simply the right of independent 
self-government in local matters— that wise reservation which has secured 
the strength of centralization with the protection of local interests and the 
development of local resources by the people who are most concerned in 
them and best understand them ; which insures the vast fabric based upon 
this Constitution from falling to pieces by its own weight, like the great em- 
pires of the past, by giving it stable support throughout its wide extent, in- 
stead of making it rest solely upon its central point; which frees us from an 
exhibition of that political incongruity seen in the mother country, where 
all interests, small or great, are controlled by the Imperial Parliament, and 
where we see the attention of that most important body given, day after day, 
to one petty county or parish matter or other, about which its members know 
little and care less. But this sovereignty the revolted states did not achieve. 
Sovereignty is the attribute of that power alone which has no superior; and 
of that sovereignty the colonies had none before their declaration of independ- 
ence ; and by that declaration which they made as united colonics, and which 
they won only as united colonies or 
states, they can not be said to have 
gained an individual sovereignty 
which they had not before. Upon 
this very point Charles Cotesworth 
Pinckney, of South Carolina, one of 
the delegates for the formation of 
the Constitution, in course of the 
debates in the Legislature of South 
Carolina herself on the adoption of 
the Constitution (January, 1788), 
said of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, "This admirable manifesto 
sufficiently refutes the doctrine of 
the individual sovereignty and in- 
dependence of the several states. 
* * * * The several states are not 
even mentioned by name in any 

part, as if it was intended to impress the maxim on America that our free- 
dom and independence arose from our union, and that without it we never 
could be free and independent. Let us, then, consider all attempts to 
weaken this union by maintaining that each state is separately and indi- 
vidually independent, as a species of political heresy which can never ben- 
efit us, but may bring on us the most serious distresses." If this be the 
bearing of the Declaration of Independence upon state sovereignty, what 
is that°of the Constitution— an instrument which vests all the attributes of 
sovereignty in the national government, and which does this not by the act 
of the individual states, but by that of " the people of tbe United States ? 
It is also of importance to note that the Constitution was submitted, not to 
the Legislatures and corporate representatives of the states, but to the peo- 
ple • and for the very reason that it was supposed that the pride of state sov- 
ereignty would prevent the former from adopting it. James Wilson said, 
" I know that they [the Legislatures and state officers] will oppose it, I am 
for carrying it to the people of each state." It was unavoidable that the 
people should act by states, not only because that was the only mode ot 
combined action in their power, but because the very question to be decided 
touched tbe resignation of power by the state as an individual. It seems 
impossible to avoid the conclusion that, after the adoption of that Consti- 
tution, there was no avoidance of its obligations or withdrawal from Us 
pale, except in virtue of that inalienable right of revolution, which, to be 




CVJTTSrVOETU riM'KSTY. 



INTRODUCTION. 



[1787. 



complete, must have good cause, and power to maintain that cause. And 
this right belongs not to the people by virtue of state organization, or of res- 
idence within state limits, but to the inhabitants of any country or locality 
who are like-minded, and can make their rebellious determination good. As 
if to put this question, as far as he could, beyond a perad venture, the leader 



» CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

PREAMBLE. 

We, the people of the United Scutes, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, in- 
sure domcsiic tranquillity, provide* for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and se- 
cure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitu- 
tion for the United States of Aroeriea- 

ARTICLE I. 

SECTION I. 

All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which 
shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. 

SECTION II. 

1. The House of Representatives shall bo composed of members chosen every second year by the 
people uf the several states : and the electors in each state shall huvc the qualifications requisite 
for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a represent alive who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five 
years, and been seven years u citizen of the United .States, and who shall not, when elected, be an 
inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be 
included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by 
adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, 
end excluding Indians' not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall 
be made within three years after the first meeting of tin- Congress of the United States, nnd within 
every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of 
representatives shall not exceed one for even thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one 
representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall bo 
entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight. Miotic Island and Providence Mutilations one, Con- 
necticut five. New Ymk six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, 
Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South Carolina five, nnd Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority there- 
of shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers, and shall have 
the sole power of impeachment. 

SECTION m. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall he composed or two senators from each state, chosen 
by the Legislature thereof, fur si* years, nnd each senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall 'be assembled in consequence of the first election, tltey shall be 
divided as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall 
be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth 
year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen ev- 
ery second year ; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the 
Legislature of any stale, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next 
meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been 
nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
elate for which he shall he chosen. 

4. Tlic Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, hut shall have no 
vote, unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, nnd also a president pro tempore, in the ab- 
sence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When silting lor that pur- 
pose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the 
chief justice shall preside : and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds 
of the members present. 

7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend farther than to removal from office, and 
disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States, 
but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and 
punishment according to law. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The limes, places, and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be 
prescribed in each state by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, 
make or alter such regulations, except as to the place of i boosing senators. 

2, The Congress shall assemble at least once in every' year, and such meeting shall be on the 
first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. 

section v. 

1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own mem- 
bers, nnd a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; hut a smaller number may 
adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in 
auch manner and nndcr such penalties as each house may provide. 

2. Each honse may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members fur disorderly be- 
havior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each house shall beep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, 
excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the mem- 
bers of either house, on any question, shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered 
on the journal. 

4. Neither house during the session of Congress shall, without the consent of the other, adjoum 
for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which tho two houses sball be sitting. 

BECTIO.N vi. 

1. Tho senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascer- 
tained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except 
treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at 
the session of their respective houses, and in going to or returning from the same; and for any 
Speech or debate in cither honse, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which lie was elected, be appointed 
to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the 
emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any of- 
fice under the United States shall he a member of cither house during his continuance in office. 

SECTION VII. 

1. All hills for raising revenue shall originate in the Honse of Representatives ; but tho Senate 
may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 

2. Every bill which shall huvc passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before 
it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign 
it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to lliat house in which ii shall have originated, 
who shall enter Mm: objections at large on their journal, nnd proceed to reconsider it. If, after 
enqh reconsideration, two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall lie sent, together 
with the objections, to the other house, by winch it sball likewise he reconsidered, and if approved 
by two thirds of that house, it shall become a law. Rut in all such cases the votes of both houses 
shall be determined by yeas and nnys, and tho names of the persons voting for nnd against the hill 
shall I* entered on the journal or each house respectively. If nnv hill shall not bo returned by the 
President within ten days (.Sundays excepted) after it shall havc"ln'en presented u> htm, the same 
shall bo a law in like manner as if ho hail signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment pre- 
vent its return, in which case ii shall not lie a law. 

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate nnd Honse of Repre- 
sentatives may 1-e necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall he presented to the Pres- 
ident of the United States ; and before the sumo shall take effect, shall he approved by him, or be- 
ing disapproved by him, shall bo repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, according to tho mlcs and limitations prescribed in tbc case of a bill. 

SECTION vm. 
The Congress shall have power — 
1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, Impose, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the 

non defense and general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, aodcscifiCS shall 

niforrn throughout the United States; 



of the armies in the "War of Independence, the president of the Convention 
who formed the Constitution, the first president of the United States under 
that Constitution, said of it in his Farewell Address to his Countrymen, 
" Until changed by an explicit and deliberate act of the whole people, it is 
sacredly obligatory upon all." 8 



2. To borrow money on the credit of the United Status ; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among tho several states, nnd with the 
Indian tribes; 

4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalisation, and uoiform laws on the subject of bankrupt- 
cies, throughout the United State? ; 

C. To coin money, regulate the >aluc thereof, nnd of foreign coin, nnd fix the standard of weights 
and measures ; 

C. To provide for tho punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United 
States; 

7. To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

8. To promote the progress of science ami useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors 
and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries; 

0. To constitute tribunals inferior io the Supreme Court; 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high sens, and offenses against 
the law of nations; 

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, nnd make rules concerning captures 
on land and water; 

12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer 
term than two years; 

13. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land ai:d naval forces; 

Id. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec- 
tions, and repel invasions; 

Hi. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part 
of them as may f>e employed in the service of the United Stales, reserving in the states respectively 
the appointment of the officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline 
prescribed by Congress ; 

1 7. To exercise exclusive legislation, in nil cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 
ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become 
the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over nil places pur- 
chased, by tho consent of the Legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for lite erection 
of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; nnd, 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
going powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United 
States, or iu any department or officer thereof. 

SECTION IX. 

portation of such persons as any of the stales now existing shall think. 



i the year one thousand eight 
mportatiou, not exceeding ten 

e of re- 



1. The migration 
proper to admit, shall not he prohibited by the Congress 
hundred and eight, hut a tax or duty may be imposed - 
dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of Anion ••orpus shall not he suspended unless when, 
bcllion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder, or cx-posl-fneto law, shall be passed. 

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall ho laid, unless iu proportion to the census or enu- 
meration herein before directed to lie taken. 

5. No lax or dutv shall be laid on articles exported from any state. 

C. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 
state over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one stale he obliged to enter, clear, 
or pay duties in another. 

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by 
law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money 
shall be published from time to time. 

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; nnd no person holding any office 
of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, 
emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 



1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and 
reprisal; coin money; emit bills' of credit; make any thing hut gold and silver coin a tender in 
payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex-post-fucto law, or law impairing the obligation of 
contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or 
exports, except what may lie absolutely necessary for executing its insertion laws: nnd the net 
produce of all duties and Imposts laid by any state on imports or exports shall bo for the use of tho 
treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of tho 
Congress. 

3. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships 
of war in time of peace, enter intn any agreement or compact with another slate, or with a for- 
eign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not 
admit of delay. 

ARTICLE n. 

SECTION I. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. ITo 
shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen 
for the same term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner ns the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of 
electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the suite may be en- 
titled in the Congress: but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or 
profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 

The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom 
one nt least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a 
list of nil the persons voted for, nnd of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign 
nnd certify, and transmit sealed to ihc «. at of ih- goveruuu nt of the United Mate-, directed to 
the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the pie-, nceof tin Senate and 
House of Representatives, open all the certificate-, ami the v.'.- shall then be counted The per- 
son having the greatest number of vous shall be the President, it smli number be (.majority of the 
whole number of electors appointed ; nnd if there lie more than one n ho hare such majority, and 
have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representativ - si ill ituuic.ii .it. Iv . h"<>»e by 
ballot one of them for President ; nnd if no person have a majority, tin n, from the five highest 
on tho list, the said House shall in like manner choose the l'rc-uh nt Hot tit I ItOOslBg the Pres- 
ident, the votes shall be tnken by States; the representation from each State having one vole; a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and 
a majority or ali the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every ease, nfter the choice of the 
President, the person having the greatest number ..t" vote- of ilie electors shall be the V icc-1 resident. 
But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Scnutc shall choose from them 
bv ballot the Vice-President.* .. . . 

3. Tho Congress may determine the time of choosing tho electors and the day on Which they 
shall give their voles, which day shall he ilie same throughout the United States. 

4. No person except a muund-hnrn eitizen, or a citizen "I Hie Lulled States nt the time of tho 
adoption of this Constitution, shall be' eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person 
be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been four- 
teen v,ars a re-idunt within the United States. _ _ .,.,-. 

r> In case of the removal of the President from office, or or his death, resignat , or inability to 

discharge tho [towers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the \ ice- President ; 

and the Congress mav by law provide for the case of removal, death, re-igua i, or inability, until 

of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act ns President; and such 
officer shall net accordingly, until the disability U: removed or a President shall be elected. 

G. The Prcsideiii shall, at soiled times, receive f-.r bis services a coiii|n-ii~aii..n, which shall nei- 
ther be increased nor diminished during ilie period for which he shall have been elected, nnd lio 
shall not receive within Hint period anv other emolument from the United Slates, or any of them. 

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of Presidentof tho 
United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Lonstitution 
of tho United States." 

SECTION II. 

1. The President shall bo commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States and 
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THE UNITED STATES SLOOP OF WAE "BROOKLYN." 



rAC-SlMILE OF THE ORIGIN, 



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16 



INTRODUCTION. 



1787. 



Thus one in blood and like in condition, blessed with an unexampled dif- 
fusion of intelligence and Christian morality, possessor of a vast expanse of 
rich and varied soil yielding wealth and inviting immigration, freed from 
the political burdens which oppressed and the social bonds which cramped 
the people of older states, presenting to the world outside a single, compact 
government, but secured from centralization within by absolute local inde- 
pendence, this nation rapidly rose to the first rank; and so solidly based 
were its power and prosperity, that, but for one element of internal discord, 
it would have remained forever, as nearly as man can judge, a happy ex- 
ample of the working of republican institutions. Nor, in fact, are republi- 
can principles at all affected by the events which shook that power and dis- 
turbed that prosperity. ' 

At the time of the formation of the Constitution all the states but two ad- 
mitted negro slavery. But in all except two this institution was regarded 
as an exotic, inherited evil, to be borne as well as might be until it should 
pass away with time. All the statesmen and leaders of the Revolutionary 
period, including those from Virginia, so regarded it, Jefferson himself did 

of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States ; he 
mar require the opinion in wriiinp of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, 
upon anv subject relating to the duties of ih^ir respective offi.es; and he shall have power to 
grant reprieve* and pardon- for offenses against the foiled Slates, except in eases of impeachment. 

2 He shall have power, bv and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, pro- 
vided two thirds of the senator- present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint embassadors, other public ministers and consals, 
judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are 
not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law; but the Congress may 
by law vest the apjiointrocat of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, it 
the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. . 

a. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess a 
the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. 
SECTION III. 

He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and 
recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he 
mav, on extraordinary occasions, convene both bouses, or either of them; and in ease of disa- 
greement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such 
time as he shall think proper; he shall receive embassadors and other public ministers; he shall 
take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United 
States. 

SECTION IV. 

The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall bo removed from 
office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misde- 



not hesitate to denounce it openly as "a violation ofnuman rights," and to 
say that not only the honor, but " the best interests of the country" demand- 
ed its extinction. In the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, 
which is in Jefferson's own hand, one of the grievances most strongly in- 
sisted on as a justification for the Revolution is the infliction of slavery 
upon tbe colonists, and the perpetuation of the infamous traffic in human 
beings. 9 But in the Convention for the formation of tbe Constitution, the 
delegates from South Carolina and Georgia announced, upon the proposal 
to suppress the slave-trade immediately, that if this were done those states 
would not become part of the Union, for they must have slaves. Rut- 
ledge said, "Religion and humanity had nothing to do with this ques- 
tion. Interest alone is the governing principle with nations. The true 
question at present is whether the Southern states shall or shall not be par- 
ties to the Union." Charles Pinckney said, " South Carolina can never re- 
ceive the plan if it prohibit the slave-trade. In every proposed extension 
of the powers of Congress, that state has expressl}' and watchfully excepted 
the power of meddling with the importation of negroes. If the states be all 
left at liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do 
of herself what is wished, as Maryland and Virginia already have done." 



2, This Constitntion, and tho laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance there, 
of; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, 
shall be the supremo law of the land ; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any 
thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state 
T<.' ,«f i. ti.res, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States, and of the several 
ttntlfc ' all be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test 
ab*Vr -'U'bc required as a qualification to any office, or public trust, under the United States. 

AHTICLE VII. 

iventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the establiahment of this 
.tea so ratifying the same. 

Done in Convention, by the unonimous consent of tbe states present, the seventeenth day of Sep- 
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the In- 
dependence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto 
subscribed our names. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, President and Deputy from Virginia. 



ARTICLE III. 

SECTION I. 

The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Snpreme Court, and in such in- 
ferior courts as Congress mav. from time to time, ordain and establish. The jndges, both of the 
supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated 
times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their contin- 

BECTION II. 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitu- 
tion, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their au- 
thority ; to all cases affecting embassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of ad- 
miralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to 
controversies between two or more states ; between a. state and citizens of another state ; between 
citizens of different states ; between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of dif- 
ferent states; and between a state, or the citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting embassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a 
state shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other casC9 
before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 
with such exceptions, and under snch regulations as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of ail crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall 
be held in the state where tho said crimes shall have been committed; bat when not committed 
within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 

SECTION III. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in ad- 
hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason, 
unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt net, or on confession in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but no attainder of trea- 
son shall work corruption of blood, or forfeitarc, except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

SECTION I. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial pro- 
ceedings of every other state. Anil the Congress may. by general laws, prescribe the manner in 
which such acts,' re cords, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

SECTION II. 

1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens ia the 
several states. 

2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice 
and be found in anoiher state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which 
he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held io sen ice or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into anoth- 
er, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
but shall be delivered up od claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. 

SECTION III. 

1. New states may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new state shall bo 
formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other statu; nor any elate be formed by the 
junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the Legislatures of the 
states concerned, a3 well as of the Congress. 

2. Tho Congress shall have power to disjwsc of, and make all needful rules and regulations re- 
specting the territory or other property belonging io the United States ; and nothing in this Consti- 
tution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United Slates or of any particular stuto. 

SECTION IV. 

The United Slates shall guarantee to every state in this Union a republican form of govern- 
rncnt, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, tnv application of tho Legislature, or 
of thd executive (when the Legislature can Dot be convened), against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amend- 
ments to ibis Constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several 
states, nhall call a convention for propo-iiig uinioidinenis, which, in either case, shall be valid Io all 
intents and purposes, as part of this Conslilulion, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths 
of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the oilier mode of 
ratification may be propo^-d by the i 'ongress ; provided, that no amendment which may lie made 
prior to the yenr one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner nlfect the first and 
fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first Article ; nod thai no Mate, without its consent, shall 
be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 



New Hampshire, — JoiIN LANGDON", NICHOLAS 
GlLJIAN. 

Massacliusetls.— Nathaniel Gokhasi, Rctds 

Connecticut. — William Samdel Johnson, 
Roger Sherman. 

New York.— Alexander Hamilton. 

New Jers^. — William Livlngbton, Wil- 
liam Paterson, David Bhearley, Jonathan 
Dayton. 

Pennsylvania.— Benjamin Franklin, Robert 
Morris, Thomas Fitzsimons, James Wilson, 
Thomas Mifflin, George Clvmsr, Jared Ik- 

GEKB0LL, GotJVERNEDR MORRIS. 

Attest, 



Delaware. — George Read, Joiln Dickinson, 
Jacou Broom, Gunning Hluford, jun., Rich- 
ard Bass err. 

Maryland. — James MTIenhy, Daniel Car- 
boll, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, 

Virginia. — John Blair, James Madison, jr. 

North Carolina. — William Blount, Hugh 
Williamson, Richard Domes Spaight. 

South Carolina. — John Rotledge, Charles 
Pincknev, Charles Cotesivorth Pinckney, 
Pierce Bctler. 

Georgia. — William Few, Abraham Bald- 



WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 



ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO AND AMENDMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
Art. 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the 
free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or iho right of the peo- 
ple peaceably io assemble, and to pelition ihe government for a redress of grievances. 

Art, 2. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the 
people to keep and bear arms shall not he infringed. 

Art. 3. No soldier shall, in lime of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the 
owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

Art. 4. The right of the people to lie secure in their pernios, houses, papers, and effects, against 
unreasonable searches and Seizures, shall not bo violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon 
probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be search, 
ed, and the persons or things to be seized. 

Art. 5. No person shall be held io answer fur a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a 
presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in 
the militia when in actual service in time of war, or public danger; nor shall any person be subject 
for the Mine offense, to bo twice pat in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any crim- 
inal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use wit limit just compensation. 

Art. C. In all criminal prosecutions, the aeeused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public 
trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, 
which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of tho nature and 
cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to havo compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 
Art. 7. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, 
the right of trial bv jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by n jury shall 1-e otherwise re-ex- 
amined in any court of'ihu United Stales lhan according to the rules of the common law. 

Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive tines imposed, nor cruel and unusual 
punishments inflicted. 

Art. 'J. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall cot be construed to deny or 
disparage others retained bv the people. 

Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by 
it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. 

Art. 11. The judicial power of the United Slates shall not be construed to extend to any suit in 
law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another 
State, or by citizens or subject-, of any foreign stale. 

Art. VI. The electors shall meet In their respective slat..";, and vote by ballot for President and 
Vice-President, one of whom, al least, shall not I* an iuhal.iti.ut of ibe same state with themselves; 
they shall name in iheir ballots ihe person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person 
voted for as Vice-President; and thev shall make distinct lisrs of all persons voted for as Pres- 
ident, and of nil persons voted for us Vice-President, and of the number of voles for each, which 
list they shall siga and certify, and transmit sealed io the seat of government ot the United States, 
directed to the President of 'ihe Senate; ihe 1 'resident of the Senate shrill, in the presence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, open nil tbe ccrtilicaies, and the voles shall ihcn be count- 
ed ; the person having the greatest number of voles for President shall be ihe President, if such num- 
ber be a majority of ihe whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, 
then from the persons having tho highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted 
for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot ihe President 
But in choosing ihe President, the votes shall be taken by slates, the representation from each 
state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose slmll consist of n number or members from two 
thirds of tho stales, and a majority of all the stales shall be necessary to a choice. And ir the 
House of Representatives shall not ehoose a President whenever the nu'ht ol choice shall devolve 
upon them, before the fourth dnv of March next following, ihen ihe \ 'i, ■coresident shall act as 
President, as in the case of tho death or other constitutional disability oft lie 1 "resident. 

The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-Presi ileal shall In- the Vice-President, 

if such number lie a innjoriiy of ihe whole number of eleeiors ap| red, I il no person have a 

majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Semite shall clioo-.' ilie Vice-President: 
o, quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of tho whole number of senators, and a ma- 
jority of the whole number shall be necessary io a choice. ■ 
But no person eonsiiiuii-.uiilly ineligible to thu oflico of President shall be eligible to that ol 
Vice-President of the United States. 

See this complaint in tho fnc simile of tho original draft given on pages 6-7. It was stricken 
out before tho adoption of the instrument in deference to tho feelings of South Carolina, 



it 



INTRODUCTION'. 



[1820. 



Baldwin, of Georgia, also declared that that state "would not confederate if 
not allowed to import slaves." The existence of the nation as one and in- 
divisible seemed of more importance at that period to the men to whom 
this announcement was made than the immediate suppression of a traffic 
which was then looked upon without the horror which it now excites; and 
so, to satisfy South Carolina and Georgia, in the dainty phraseology of the 
Constitution, " the migration or importation of such persons as any of the 
states existing shall think proper to admit" was allowed until the year 1808. 
Men who held negroes as property naturally expected, and reasonably claim- 
ed, that if they united themselves under a national government with other 
men who would soon pass laws for the extinction of such a right of prop- 
erty under their own local governments, these laws should not operate to the 
injury of those who did not adopt them; and so that other dainty but strin- 
gent clause was added, providing that any person " held to service and labor 
in one state under the laws thereof," escaping into another, " shall be deliv- 
ered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." 
It had been proposed in the Continental Congress that in the apportionment 
of taxation (which was to be according to population) slaves should be reck- 
oned at three fifths of their actual numbers, because, as it was argued, the 
labor of five negroes was not more than equal to that of three white men. 
This principle of tax apportionment was adopted in the Constitution ; and, 
consequently, as taxation and representation were to go hand in hand, rep- 
resentatives were apportioned in the same manner. Slaves were not to be 
represented as property; but three fifths of their actual number in each state 
went to swell the aggregate, according to which the representation of each 
state was more or less numerous in the popular branch of Congress and in 
the College of Electors for President and Vice-President. 

The two former provisions of the Constitution in regard to slaves were, at 
the time of their making, the more highly prized by the slaveholders, but 
the last was of far the greatest importance in regard to the strength and per- 
petuation of slavery. For it gave to every citizen of a slave state, whether 
a slaveholder himself or not, a preponderance in the national government 
greater than that of a citizen of a free state, by three fifths of the number of 
slaves in his state ; so that while thirty thousand citizens of a free state would 
send but one representative to Congress, twelve thousand citizens of a slave 
state would also send one representative if they collectively owned thirty 
thousand slaves. This provision also made it desirable, as far as regarded 
political preponderance, for slaveholders to discourage the presence in their 
state of citizens who were not also slaveholders, and to increase the aggre- 
gate number of slaves ; for it is clear that, the greater the number of slaves 
and the fewer the number of their owners, the greater the concentration of 
political power in the hands of the latter. Thus a provision of the Consti- 
tution, made for the purpose of insuring the proper relation between repre- 
sentation and taxation, actually destroyed the political equality of citizens 
of the United States, in theory the very corner-stone of the republican gov- 
ernment which it was framed to establish, while, at the same time, in the 
states which got the advantage in this inequality, two fifths of what was 
really productive property was exempted from direct taxation. Thus special 
privilege was added to the disproportionate political preponderance of the 
slaveholder. It was the power conferred by this inequality and this priv- 
ilege on the one side, co-operating with the growth of the feeling against 
slavery throughout civilized Christendom on the other, which brought about 
the great rebellion against the government of the United States. 



At the time when the Constitution of the United States was adopted, 
seven of the thirteen states which formed the Union, New Hampshire, Mas- 
sachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Penn- 
sylvania, either had abolished slavery or were sure to do so; but the six 
■which retained it, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, 
and Georgia, were in the aggregate the more populous and the wealthier, 
while, as we have just seen, their citizens had by the terms of the Union ac- 
quired peculiar privileges and advantages of representation. Consequently, 
at the beginning, the interests of the slave states, as a body, outweighed those 
of the free states, as a body. This advantage was assiduously preserved, un- 
til it was swept away by the irresistible onflow of events. On the 11th of 
March, 1784, Thomas Jefferson, Virginia's most eminent representative, pro- 
posed, in the Continental Congress, that after the year 1802 there should be 
"neither slavery nor involuntary servitude" in any state to be thereafter 
formed from the territory of the United States. This proposition failed to 
become an ordinance only by the lack of the vote of New Jersey, which was 
lost by the absence of one of her delegates. But in 1787 the important or- 
dinance was passed by which slavery was prohibited in all territory of the 
Union northwest of the Ohio River. It was more than thirty years, however, 
before this ordinance had a direct influence upon the great question which 
was to shake the Union, Meantime Kentucky and Vermont, offshoots of 
Virginia and New Hampshire severally, were admitted to tlie Union in 1792, 
the former slave, the latter free. The slave state of Tennessee came in in 
1799, and in 1802 the free state of Ohio. In 1803, the Territory of Louisi- 
ana, then a French colony, and including (after the indefinite fashion of co- 
lonial boundary claims) all the vast tract of land lying around the mouth of 
the Mississippi, and stretching westward and northwest thence from the banks 
of the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. Slavery was already established in 
this territory, from which, in 1812, a slave state was admitted into the Union. 
Free Indiana followed in 1816. Mississippi and Illinois, Alabama and 
Maine, alternately slave and free, were formed and recognized between 1817 
and 1820. 

Ten statC3 had now been added to the original thirteen, Five admitted 



slavery, and five excluded it; so that in the Senate, where the states, large 
and small, were equally represented, the original distribution of power be- 
tween the free and the slave states had not been disturbed. But in the 
House of Representatives and in the College of Presidential Electors the as- 
pect of affairs was much changed. At the time of the first census, 1790, the 
aggregate population of the states which had abolished slavery, or were 
about to abolish it, and of those which had not and since have not done so, 
was about equal ; while the advantage of wealth and the anticipated increase 
in numbers were altogether on the side of the latter. But the census of 1820 
showed authoritatively what all observing men well knew in a general way, 
that the states which had abolished slavery were increasing in population 
and in wealth much more rapidly tbau those which had retained it. In that 
year the populati6n of the free states was found to be nearly three quarters 
of a million greater than that of the slave states, and the tide of immigration 
from Europe, which had then begun to set strongly in, bore its wealth of 
labor to the free states almost entirely. In itself there was nothing either 
surprising or alarming in this revelation. Had the country been in its nor- 
mal condition, with its political power equally distributed, and all its citi- 
zens counting each a unit, and no more, in the choice of its executive and 
legislative officers, it would have been a matter of no political moment to 
any particular number of states where the increase of wealth and population 
was, so long as they were individually prosperous. For, as to their local af- 
fairs, tbe absolute control of those was secured to them by the Constitution, 
which also pledged to the preservation of their equal voice in the Senate. 
But in the thirty years which bad passed since the formation of the national 
government a great and important change had taken place in the relations 
of slavery to the country at large. We have seen that it was regarded at 
that period, except by two of the states, as a legacy from the mother coun- 
try, which conferred no benefit sufficient to compensate for its reproach and 
its disadvantages, and as an institution which must gradually disappear. The 
two states which were not of this mind were South Carolina and Georgia, 
who, it will be remembered, had refused to enter the Union if the slave-trade 
were immediately made illegal. In these states a small and active school of 
politicians soon arose, which devoted itself not only to the protection of sla- 
very where it already existed, but to its extension and the increase of its 
power. This school rapidly attained a potent influence throughout tbe 
slave states, where it soon included nearly all the wealthy planters. This 
class of men saw the advantage which, in virtue of their slaves, they enjoyed 
by reason of their more numerous representation in Congress and tbe choice 
of President. They saw, too, that tbe tendency of affairs under their local 
government was to make them richer, and the poor men round tbem, who 
owned few or no slaves, poorer, and thus their mere dependents and crea- 
tures; and so, misled by mistaken self-interest, their power was gradually 
massed and marshaled under the direction of what may be conveniently and 
correctly called the South Carolina school of politicians, and slavery became 
a compact interest, to be protected and advanced in the councils of the na- 
tion. The only single and sectional interest to be so cared for, in fact ; for in 
the free states men asked for nothing else than that freedom of action which 
was already secured to every citizen of the republic ; nothing else was need- 
ful to their prosperity. Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, were inter- 
ests, indeed, in which different parts of the country had different stakes; but 
they existed in a greater or less degree in all parts of the country ; tbey were 
natural and universal manifestations of activity and civilization; and they 
existed in virtue of no special law, and required none for their undisturbed 
security. But with slavery it was not so ; and the politicians who had 
chosen it, both as the interest which they were to defend and the weapon 
which they were to wield, saw with apprehension the rapidly increasing 
voice of the free states in the House of Representatives and iu the Electoral 
College. Tbe privilege which they feared to lose had become more precious 
in tbe very lapse of time which had also brought about the events which 
threatened them with its loss. By the invention of the cotton-gin the means 
of producing that staple in a marketable condition had been increased a 
hundred-fold, and the introduction of the steam-engine into the sugar-mill 
had more than doubled the value of the plantations in Louisiana. Not only 
so. These new processes; requiring capital and inviting capital, tended not 
more to the increase of the aggregate wealth of the states which profited by 
them than to the concentration of wealth of all kinds, and particularly of 
land and slaves, in the hands of the few. Consequently, the rich planters 
saw themselves, year by year, with more political power in their hands ; and 
society in the slave states came to consist in the main of a small governing 
class of planters, with the bankers, merchants, and professional men whose 
functions were required by the business of the plantations, and a large class 
of poor people, becoming every day poorer, more wretched, more depend- 
ent, and, at the same time, prouder of their political advantages over the poor 
men of the free states, by which they were raised to a sort of equality with 
the wealthy slaveholders upon whose sufferance they existed. This anti-re- 
publican, oligarchal system of society the South Carolina school of politicians 
sought to protect, perpetuate, and propagate. 

Meantime the anti-slavery sentiment had spread widely over the civilized 
world, which in this respect followed the humane lead of the government 
and the mass of the people of the United States. In the year 1794 Congress 
passed an act against fitting out vessels for the slave-trade, and in 1800 an- 
other, forbidding citizens of the United States from holding property in for- 
eign slave-ships, and also authorizing United States ships to seize slavers. 
In 1807, as the bringing of slaves into the United States was to become un- 
lawful by constitutional provision in 1808, an act was passed prescribing 
heavy penalties for this crime. During all this time the slave-trade was 
lawfully carried on in British ships; and it was not uutd March 26, of this 



INTRODUCTION. 



1820. 



very year 1807, that the carrying off of negroes from Africa into slavery 
under the British flag was forbidden by act of Parliament. The returns of 
the Charleston Custom-house, quoted in Congress, show that, of 39,075 ne- 
groes imported into South Carolina from Africa between the years 1804 and 
1808, 19,649, or more than one half, were imported by British subjects. 
25,834, or nearly two thirds of ibe whole number, were imported by foreign- 
ers, while traders of the maritime free states imported only 8838. In 1820 
Congress passed an act declaring the slave-trade piracy, punishable with death. 
In 1833 slavery was abolished throughout the British Possessions after the 
1st of August, 1834, as it had been a generation back in the most enlightened 
and Christianized states of the American Union, and as it would have been 
in all were it not for the absolute protection secured by the Constitution to 
every state iu regard to its local government. The special advocates of 
universal freedom may think ill of a provision which resulted in the perpet- 
uation of bondage in a part of the republic. But we must never forget that 
the men who framed our national government found slavery in the land, or 
that this provision has but incidentally kept in bonds a race which takes 
easily to compelled servitude, which under kind treatment can be happy in 
bondage, which continues servile after generations of freedom, taking pleas- 
ure jn serving the superior race, pleased when it pleases that race, and proud 
when noticed by it, or, finally, that this provision was absolutely necessary 
to secure the political unity, and therefore the independence and peaceful 
progress of the race, which has made the American Republic the hope and 
the lode-star of the advocates of popular government throughout the world. 
But the rights of states, however guarded, could not stay the advance of 
opinion; and the year 1816 saw a new attempt to do away with slavery — 
the Colonization Society was formed at Washington, having for its object 
the removal of free negroes from a country where they were in contact with a 
superior race having instinctive repugnance to equal association with them, to 
one where, being surrounded only by people of their own blood, they could 
attain such elevation as they were capable of, and even become the nucleus 
of a negro civilization. The benevolent hope was also expressed by the 
founders of this society, that slavery might be gradually abolished in the 
states which then permitted it, and that this so much desired end might be 
furthered by the means afforded of ridding the country of the freed negro, 
and enabling him to set out in his new life with some comfort and prospect 
of success. The leading members of this association were slaveholders, 
James Madison, John Randolph, and Judge Bush rod Washington, of Vir- 
ginia, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Charles Carroll, and Wright, of Maryland, 
being among them. The feeling of which this society was the fruit was akin 
to that which, according to Professor St. George Tucker, of William and 
Mary College, Virginia, produced ten thousand manumissions in that state 
between 1782 and 1797. But the leading men of the cotton-growing states 
looked askance upon this project, although it was directed neither directly 
nor indirectly against any of their rights as slaveholders. 



Such was the position of affairs when the question of the organization and 
admission of Missouri as a state came before Congress. Missouri, as part of 
the ceded French territory, Louisiana, was already slave soil ; as lying north- 
west of the Ohio River, it was debarred from slavery by the ordinance of 
1787. The residents asked to be admitted to the Union with a state Consti- 
tution allowing slavery. The delegates from the slave states said " Yes; for 
slavery is already attached to the soil :" those from the free states said " No ; 
for slavery is excluded forever northwest of the Ohio." Upon this question 
suddenly great warmth of feeling was manifested on both sides, and all party 
distinctions at once faded away. The occasion is of particular interest to us, 
not only as the beginning of that strife which, after a lapse of forty years, 
came to bloody arbitration, but from the fact that, in the course of the 
fierce altercations to which it gave rise, the determination of the extreme 
slavery party to carry their point, at all hazards to the country, was even 
then distinctly avowed. It having been proposed by James Talmadge, of 
New York, to restrain the further introduction of slavery into Arkansas, and 
by John Taylor, of the same state, to impose a similar restriction as to Mis- 
souri, the debate thereon was long and violent; and Mr. Cobb, of Georgia 
— ominous name ! — in the course of a furious speech said, directing himself 
particularly to Talmadge, that "a fire had been kindled which all the waters 
of the ocean could not put out, and which only seas of blood could extin- 
guish ;" adding that if the Northern members persisted " the Union would 
be dissolved." To this fierce onslaught Talmadge replied by firmly and 
calmly reasserting his position and that of his constituents, maintaining it 
with arguments which even those who do not allow them to be conclusive 
must admit are clear and cogent, and saying, " If the civil war which gentle- 
men so much threaten must come, I can only say, let it come I" Thus early 
did the two parties to this question show the style in which they would act 
upon it: the one in passion and with ferocity, the other in calmness and 
with fortitude. 

Few readers need be told how this dispute was then settled. Missouri was 
admitted with her slave-bearing Constitution, with the proviso that forever 
after there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any terri' 
tory of the United States north of the parallel of 36° 30' (the southern 
boundary of Missouri), but that south of that line states might be admitted 
either with slavery or without it. With this "Missouri Compromise," al- 
though it was first proposed by a Northern member, John Taylor, of New 
York, the whole country, and particularly the South, appeared to be well 
content; and it was believed that the firebrand of disunion was extinguished, 
But, alas! it smouldered. 

From this period the political power of the Blaveholding states became 



practically a unit upon the subject of slavery, and all questions which bore 
upon it; and this being the only subject upon which there was a compact 
organization, and a united and vigorous policy conducted by men born and 
bred to conduct it, tbe slave interest soon came to be the controlling power 
in the government. The leaders of its extreme, or South Carolina school, 
generally assumed an arrogant, insolent tone to the members from the free 
states, and attempted, too often with success, to browbeat them openly upon 
the floor of Congress. Seeing how much destructive power the dogma of 
"state sovereignty" placed in their hands, the}- assumed it as the cardinal 
point of their political creed, in the very teeth of the assertions, the teach- 
ings, and the counsels of their own statesmen of the Revolutionary and post- 
Revolutionary generations. At what she thought a convenient occasion, 
South Carolina undertook to act upon this principle; but what short and 
sufficient measures for the maintenance of the power of the national govern- 
ment her attempted nullification of the Tariff Act of 1832 met at the hands 
of General Jackson, need not be told here. Her conduct in this affair, and 
her headlong rush into the rebellion of 1861, impatient to be the leader in 
the attempt to destroy the republic, form her chief claims to distinction in 
American annals. 

In her nullification outbreak, South Carolina had not the support of even 
her sister slave states. Yet after her subjection the slave power continued 
to maintain its united front, and through an alliance, rarely broken, with the 
great Democratic party, North and South — each using tbe other for its own 
ends, after the universal practice of politicians — it always had a potent, and 
generally a controlling voice in the national government. For a few years 
there was no occasion for political controversy as to slavery. But soon a 
small, virulent, and fanatical body of men did yeoman's service to the cause 
of the extreme school of slaveholders by commencing an agitation upon the 
subject, which had, under the circumstances, no possible good end in view. 
But this mattered little to the Abolitionists. They were in their very nature 
impracticable men. Either not knowing, or not caring for the fact that 
government has to deal with existing powers and obligations, and not with 
abstract principles, they reduced statesmanship in America to one simple syl- 
logism: It is wrong to hold man in bondage; the negro is a man; therefore 
negro slavery is wrong; therefore it ought at once to be abolished utterly. 
Regardless of all the circumstances by virtue of which the master found him- 
selfin possession of the slave; regardless of all traits of race in the slave and 
considerations of treatment by the master which modified the nature of the 
relation between them; and equally regardless whether the government 
of the United States, or even the people, had either the right or the power 
to abolish slavery, they clamored and agitated for its abolition. The people 
of the slave states, solemnly guaranteed in the undisturbed possession of 
their slaves by the organic compact of the nation, were naturally indignant 
at this movement toward a violation of their vested constitutional rights. 
Nor were they alone in this feeling. The mass, practically the whole of the 
people of the free states, wrongful as they felt slavery to be, yet knew that as 
citizens of the United States, or members of free commonwealths, they were 
in no way responsible for it, and had no power over it, and they regarded 
this agitation as dangerous to society and subversive of government. The 
Chancellor (Walworth) of the State of New York, and David B. Ogden, 
one of its most eminent and upright jurists, declared that "the doctrine of 
immediate emancipation" was "a direct and palpable nullification of the 
Constitution." This it undoubtedly was, and an attempt to carry it into 
effect would have been revolution, rebellion. 

But the multitudinous opponents of the Abolitionists, North and South, 
not content-with discountenancing, persecuted them, and, as a natural conse- 
quence, abolitionism took firm root and began to spread. Placed under a 
ban, it became bitter, vehement, denunciatory, void alike of common decency 
and of Christian charity. It denounced slavery, an institution which pre- 
vailed over one half the country, and among some of (be purest and most 
eminentcitizensofthe republic, as "the sum of all villainies," 10 and it did not 
hesitate to brand the Constitution itself as "a covenant with death and a 
compact with hell." It is not in the nature of man that an agitation should 
be carried on in such a spirit without provoking violent antagonism. Ev- 
ery man who held slaves — every man who, although he owned no slaves, 
did not believe that George Washington, and Thomas Jefferson, and Charles 
Carroll, to say nothing of perhaps his own grandfather or father, had passed 
their lives in villainy — every man who did not believe that the Constitution 
was a bargain with death and hell, was an opponent of abolitionism ; and in 
the South the new movement did more than any other possible agency could 
have done to produce a unity of Southern feeling, to imbitter that feeling 
toward the North, and to mass more compactly the vast political power of 
slavery. The leaders of the extreme school were not slow to avail them- 
selves of the weapons which their opponents had placed in their hands. 
Working remorselessly townrd their end, and having already almost entirely 
the political leadership in their several states, they boldly assumed the whole 
control of Southern social and political affairs. They brought the press of 
their own states into entire subserviency to their purposes ; they made it so- 
cial damnation to subscribe for any newspaper or periodical in the free states 
which was not itself also subservient to their faction; they managed to ex- 
clude from political preferment all rising men who were not heart and soul 
devoted to that faction. By all manner of misrepresentation and craft they 
exasperated their numerous poor slave-less dependents ngainst the Abolition- 
ists; and taking ground that whoever was not for them was against them, 
they fixed the stigma of abolitionism upon all who did not look upon negro 
Blavery as a just, wise, and beneficent institution — a test which, it need hard- 

,0 John Wesley furnished tho first of these stock [ihrascs, end William Lloyd Garrison tho second, 



INTRODUCTION. 



7 be said, ranged nearly all the people of the free states among the Aboli- 
cionists, where, indeed, it would have placed the best, if Dot,the most of those 
of the slave states a generation before. Thus these adroit and unscrupulous 
managers were enabled to excite among the residents of the slave states what 
they most desired — a wide-spread prejudice, deepening into enmity, against 
their fellow-citizens north of the Potomac and the Ohio. They represented 
the latter as a body of fanatics, ready to set the Constitution recklessly at 
naught in their disregard of the rights of those who differed with them in 
opinion. The loose and reckless lives of a large proportion of the Southern 
and Southwestern population, and their readiness to quarrel and to use arms, 
especially the knife, upon slight provocation; the rigid conformity to the 
'' code of honor" among the better born and bred ; and, on the other hand, 
the devotion of the people at the North to the pursuits of peace, their abso- 
lute subservience to law, their disuse of the duel, and the contempt and odi- 
um into which it rapidly fell among them, made it easy to implant a belief 
among the former that the latter were poor, mean-spirited, cowardly crea- 
tures, bound up in fanaticism and love of money. This was done; and no 
means were left untried by the Southern leaders to produce a conviction 
among their blinded followers that the inhabitants of the free states and the 
slave states were a different and an antagonistic people, the former being the 
superiors of the latter in all the heroic virtues, as the latter were their supe- 
riors in mechanical arts and the tricks of trade. 

The feeling thus excited was, however, factitious and artificial ; and it was 
possible only because the mass of those in whom it was implanted were ig- 
norant—so uneducated, in fact, as generally to be unable to write, and, m°a 
large proportion of cases, even to read ; because, also, the great mass of them 
were never in a free state, or out of their own neighborhood, and never saw 
a "Yankee," except a peddler, who, perhaps, cheated them, and who certainly 
had to worry them for payment if they bought of him ; and chiefly because 
their leaders, or " big men," as they called them, were able to shutout from 
them all knowledge of the free states through newspapers, except by extracts 
either from those which lauded or palliated slavery, or from those which de- 
nounced it and slaveholders in rancorous and unmeasured terms. But their 
influence in this regard stopped at the boundaries of slavery. The animos- 
ity which they excited was not reciprocal. Throughout the free states there 
was a disposition, to soothe and to conciliate, and to make all sacrifices of 
feeling and of interest which could reasonably be asked, and even more, to 
what was regarded as the waywardness, the morbid sensitiveness, and the 
exasperated feeling of the people of the slave states. The interests of trade, 
too, interposed their influence; and merchants and manufacturers brooked 
without resentment many a provocation upon the subject of slavery from 
alarmed and apprehensive men, who, if deprived of their slaves, would be 
both without the occasion to buy and the means of paying for that which they 
had bought already. Of these feelings, as well as of 'the political importance 
which their compact organization and positive policy gave them, the ex- 
treme, or, as they began now to be called, the "fire-eating" Southern men 
took advantage. There were no bounds to their assumption of superiority 
in Congress, and little to their insolence and arrogance of manner. To any 
stand against the aggression of slavery they replied by threats of disunion ; 
to any protest against insult, by such retort as brought the issue to the al- 
ternative of submission or a bloody encounter. All this the free states en- 
dured for peace' sake and for the Union. 

But the South was not content. Encouraged by the deprecatory attitude 
of their opponents, and impelled by economical considerations, the leaders 
of the slavery interest undertook to make the whole power of the govern- 
ment subservient to their will ; to break down the landmarks which, with 
their own consent, had been set up ; and to change the political standing of 
slavery from that of a local institution, existing in virtue of municipal law, 
and having certain specified and sharply-limited guarantees in the Constitu- 
tion, to that of a national institution, existing ia virtue of the Constitution, 
and protected every where by the national flag. 

Exhaustive in its agriculture, and constantly needing new soil to make 
the labor of the wasteful, shirtless negro profitable, seeking also to preserve 
its superiority in the national government, slavery was unsatisfied with the 
acquisition of Florida and Louisiana, especially after the establishment of the 
Missouri Compromise line. For below the parallel of 36° 30' the advance 
of slavery westward was stopped by the territory of Mexico, which bound- 
ed Louisiana and Arkansas on the west, and stretched along the Arkansas 
River and the 42d parallel of latitude to the Pacific Ocean. Hence the dis- 
cussion in the Southern and Southwestern states, of the annexation of Texas, 
as early as 1829, on the express ground that it would strengthen and ex- 
tend the influence of slavery, and raise the price of slaves. Hence the in- 
decorously-hasty recognition of the independence of that vast country and 
its admission to the Union, the consequent Mexican war, and the acqui- 
sition of California, New Mexico, and Utah. Hence the attempts, by 
browbeating and bowie-knife, to drive the free state settlers from the 
golden shores of California — an attempt which, after a little promise of 
success, failed utterly ; and California, rapidly becoming populous and 
rich, and stretching far below the Missouri Compromise line, chose to ex- 
clude slavery, and was admitted to the Union as a free state, with Ore- 
gon soon to follow her. The manifest intention of the leading Southern 
politicians to use the national flag and the national forces, not only for the 
protection of slavery where it existed in virtue of local law, but for its dif- 
fusion throughout the national domain, led to the counter attempt in the 
bill brought in by David Wihnot, of Pennsylvania, and known as the Wil- 
mot Proviso, which provided that slavery should be excluded from all ter- 
ritory which had been or should be acquired from Mexico. In spite of the 
union, for better for worse, between the Democrats of the slave and the free 



states, this bill passed the House of Representatives, and only failed to be- 
come an act by a majority of ten against it in the Senate. The feeling 
against the propagation of slavery was now becoming stronger and stronger 
in the free states; petitions for the abolition of the internal slave-trade a°nd 
of slavery in the District of Columbia were presented to Congress; and the 
Free Soil party came into existence, with the motto, " Free soil, free speech, 
The counter move was one, not of conciliation or of compro- 
Mr, Calhoun, who had been a member of 



free men. 

mise, but of extreme audacity. 




President Monroe's cabinet when the Missouri Compromise was adopted, 
but who bad led the nullification movement in South Carolina, who had 
nursed the doctrine of state sovereignty, and developed it from a querulous 
crotchet into a dangerous dogma, and who was the unblushing advocate and 
fearless champion of negro slavery, brought a series of resolutions into the 
Senate which denied the right of Congress to legislate upon the subject of 
slavery in the Territories, and declared any law which prevented the citizens 
of any state from going with their " property" into any of the Territories of 
the United States unconstitutional and void. This he did in face of the ac- 
tion of Congress in first establishing the Missouri Compromise line, and aft- 
erward extending that line to Texas. The effect and the intent of these 
resolutions was to throw the whole territory of the United States, from the 
southern boundary of New Mexico to the line of the British Possessions on 
the north, open to slavery. Mr. Calhoun also wrote and published a letter, 
in which he said to his fellow-citizens of the slaveholding states, " It is our 
duty to ourselves, to the Union, and our political institutions, to force the 
issue on the North," for the reason, as he sagaciously saw, that " we are now 
stronger relatively than we shall be hereafter, politically and morally." He 
also proposed, in direct violation of the Constitution, if the free states did 
not allow slaveholders to bring their slaves when they visited or traveled 
through them, and did not refrain from putting any hinderance in the way 
of returning fugitive slaves, to exclude their ships from the ports of the 
slaveholding states ; and he recommended a convention of the cotton-grow- 
ing states to take these matters into consideration. His resolutions did not 
pass, and his proposed convention was not then held; but his movement 
was only a few years too early. 

From this time events tending toward the rebellion of the slaveholders 
succeeded each other rapidly. The passage of the Fugitive Slave Act in 
1850 was another attempt to allay the excitement in which the "fire-eaters" 
at the South, with the aid of the reckless Abolitionists of the North, managed 
to keep the country. As this act imposed no new duties upon the residents 
of the non-slaveholding states, but, on the contrary, relieved their local offi- 
cers of any responsibility in the matter of returning fugitives by the appoint- 
ment of special commissioners for that purpose, and as its only operation was 
to give efficiency to a provision of the Constitution, delegates from the free 
states, not admirers of slavery, gave it their votes, and justified their course 
by the state of feeling in the slaveholding states. There had been a con- 
vention of delegates from the slave states at Nashville; the Legislatures of 
South Carolina and Mississippi had proposed the assembling of a Southern 
Congress; in the former body secession from the Union was openly advo- 
cated ; and on the 4th of July, 1850, the memories of the day were not al- 
lowed to abate, for even a few hours, the feverous folly of the slave-monoma- 
niacs, whose festivities were deformed by toasts defamatory of the Union. 
But the great excitement which was produced at the North by the passage 
of this law for the mere enforcement of a compact as old as the nation, and 
yet not so old as to have become antiquated and obsolete, showed the great 
change of feeling which the aggressive policy of the slavery propaganda had 
produced in a single generation. The Abolitionists, of course, were frenzied; 
and even those who were not of that faction regarded the law in form and 
spirit as intentionally aggravating and humiliating. The feeling upon the 
subject was deepened by the sudden flight to Canada, from the most northern 
free states, of large numbers of negroes, some of whom had lived there many 



INTRODUCTION. 



1854. 



yeans The people of these states, although not very anxious to retain the 
negroes for their own Bakes, yet saw with sorrow, and sad forebodin 



, what 



a multitude of their humble fellow-creatures they might have been, and still 
might be called upon to send back into bondage. Yet they did not, as a 
body flinch from their loyalty to the Constitution. Slaves claimed were 
delivered to claimants who established their cases, repulsive though the duty 
of rendition was. The slaveholders pressed their claims with a pertinacity 
which would have been very unwise if they had desired unity and good 
feelin-*- but which, as their object was to either provoke discord, hatred, and 
disunion, or to bring about the absolute subjection of the free states to their 
dominion, was shrewdly politic. _ 

At last a negro named Anthony Burns was claimed in Boston, and put in 
detention during the investigation of the claim. Some of the more reckless 
of the Abolitionists, assisted by free negroes, attacked the building in winch 
he was detained pending the examination, and a deputy marshal was shot. 
There was popular commotion, and a riotous disposition among a small part 
of the townspeople. Bnt order was preserved and the law sustained by the 
state and city, as well as by the national authorities. The ablest counsel in 
the state appeared for the negro, and the investigation was protracted. The 
excitement increased and quickly spread throughout the state and the whole 
country. The claimant established his ownership, the negro was remanded ; 
and on that day was seen in Boston one of the most imposing sights the world 
ever looked upon. Popular feeling was at its height, and the streets swarmed 
with people, not only from the city itself, but the adjacent country. It was 
feared that there would be an attempt to take the slave from the marshal as 
he -was on his way to the vessel which was to carry him southward. The 
marshal had speci'al aids well armed, and there was a company of marines at 
his command ; but, in addition to these, and to prevent any contact between 
the excited people and the United States officers, the whole militia force of 
the vicinity was placed under arms, and acted as an escort to the marshal 
and the slave. Considerably more than ten thousand men thus voluntarily 
took up arms in support of a law which they loathed, and throughout that 
swarming, excited city there was not an act of violence committed on that 
day. Such deference to law merely as the law, in a populous city where 
feeling upon the subject of the law was all-pervading, and excitement had 
been rising for davs, is unprecedented. But the slavery party were not sat- 
isfied -with such sacrifices. They declaimed against the necessity of calling 
out ten or fifteen thousand troops to insure the return of one slave, as an 
evidence of a desire on the part of the community in which it occurred to 
violate their constitutional obligations ; they did not see, or, seeing, chose to 
disregard the fact that those troops were volunteers, residents of Boston and 
the surrounding villages, and that, had not the people of Massachusetts been 
determined to fulfill their constitutional duty to the very letter, the United 
States would have been obliged to send an army, and a large one, to take 
that one negro away from Boston. The slaveholders claimed, in effect, a 
hearty and cheerful performance of this duty ; but that they could not have, 
and had no right to exact. 

The last test of the willingness of the free states to submit to aggression 
for peace' sake was applied in 185-t by the passage of the bill for the terri- 
torial organization of Kansas and Nebraska. Senator Douglas, of Illinois, a 



souri Compromise as unconstitutional, and opened the whole western terri- 
tory up to the British line to slavery. The proposition fell upon the coun- 
try like a thunder-clap. The Missouri Compromise was looked upon as a 
solemn settlement of the question to which it referred for all time, and was 
held in the free states and in the border slave states in veneration second 
only to that felt for the Constitution itself. Yet such was the condition of 
parties, such the ability of those who undertook to bring about the passage 
of this important and portentous measure, such, too, the effect of the sud- 
denness with which it was sprung upon the country, that it received a ma- 
jority of both houses of Congress, and became the law of the land. But the 
event created a deep-seated and- wide-spread alarm throughout the whole 
population of the free states. Large numbers of Northern Democrats, who 
dreaded the advance of slavery more than the breaking up of their party, 
clove away from it; and of these, and the Free Soil party, and a large rem- 
nant of the old Whig party, whose leader was slaveholding but not slavery- 
propagating Henry Clay, was formed the Republican party, which waxed 





bold, adroit, persistent man, having in some excess the politician's failing of 
regarding the end rather than the means, and almost openly ambitious of 
the presidency, brought the bill for the organization of these territories into 
the Senate, and made one enormous, and, as he thought, overwhelming bid 
for the cupport of the whole South by introducing a clause which (in ac- 
cordance with Mr. Calhoun's resolutions before mentioned) set aside the Mis- 



strong apace, and soon found that it must fight its way with weapons phys- 
ical as well as moral. 

The issue before the country was now sharply defined. The Democratic 
slavery party said, "You shall not exclude the Southerner from the terri- 
tory of the republic, purchased with the common blood and treasure of its 
citizens. You can go there with your propert}', and shall he not go there 
with his?" To this the Republican replied, "There is no such exclusion. 
The Southerner can go into the Territories and take with him all that the 
Northerner can. There is, as there should be, no difference in this respect 
between them. But no; the Southerner demands that he shall not only 
take with him such property as the Northerner takes, but something else- 
property of a very extraordinary character, which is property only in his 
state by local law or custom, and which is not secured to him by the Con- 
stitution any where else except for its return to him there— property, the 
presence of which excludes the Northern citizen, whereas the exclusion of 
that property does not exclude the Southern citizen. This can not be." 
And then began the open, final struggle. 

The first battle-ground of the new party was Kansas itself, whither the 
free soil men flocked to secure that fair land for free labor. Some went 
only of their own motion and with their own means; but maay were sent 
out" by emigrant-aid societies formed in the East. They went, however, as 
settlers in good faith. But how they were harried by ruffians from the bor- 
der of Missouri ; how they were outvoted at the polls by armed men, who 
swarmed into the Territory just before the elections, to return to Missouri 
immediately after they wore over; how they were shot in cold blood and in 
hot blood; how they had to stand guard over their log cabins, their wives 
and children, and their cattle, as our forefathers stood guard over theirs 
against the savages; how there were two capitals and two constitutions, and 
governor after governor was sent out at the bidding of the South to support 
the false and crush the true; and how not one had either the ability, or tho 
conscience, or the heart to do it; and how, finally, after a Congressional in- 
vestigation, the shameful story was all rightly told, and truth triumphed— 
this we all know But in all these sad commotions the country took great 
strides toward revolution, though at the time wc did not sec it. Then came 
an outran which shocked the world- the assault upon Senator Sumner. 
He was not entirely blameless. A member of tho highest legislative body 
of one of the foremost civilized nations might have done a wiser and a bet 
ter thin" in a set speech upon a momentous subject than call one senator, 
who was tall, " the Don Quixote," and another, who was short, " the Sandra 
Panza of slavery ;" for this designation of Mr. Butler, ol South Carolina, and 
Mr Douglas, of Illinois, may be called the point of a studiously irritating 
- -™vnl.-e.l the wrath of the slaveholders, with 
own. What 



speechby which Mi\ Sumner provoked the wrath of the slaveholders, witk 



out any hope of either curbing their party or strengthening his c 

ho said might have been wiser and better, indeed, but not more cutting, be- 



INTRODUCTION. 



17 



cause it was severe, personal, and true. But for all that, when Preston 
Brooks attacked Mr. Sumner as be sat bending over his desk in tbe deserted 
Senate-chamber, and beat him senseless, he played not only the part of a ruf- 
fian, but of a traitor to the liberties of his country. He brought shame upon 
it throughout all Christendom ; shame which the free states cast from them 
without soil by their indignant denunciation of tbe act at the voice of men 
of all parties among them ; shame which the South Carolina politicians and 
their followers took with effrontery to themselves by making a hero of the 
assailant, and by assuming in "Washington an air of greater defiance and in- 
solence than ever. This act of violence provoked the resistance it was meant 
to intimidate, and added many thousands to the large vote cast in 1856 for 
Colonel Fremont, the first candidate of tbe new Republican party. Bear- 
ing the Sumner outrage in mind, men voted for Colonel Fremont who bad 
never gone to tbe polls before since they became of age. Indeed, so strong 
had the conviction become in the free states that the safety of the republic 
demanded a firm check upon tbe aggressions of slavery, that it seemed at one 
time as if the Republican party would carry the day at its first struggle; 
and then went up the usual threats of disunion from the " fire-eaters ;" and 
Governor Wise, of Virginia, declared that, if Colonel Fremont were elected, 
lie would march with the militia of his state upon Washington and seize the 
Capitol and the national archives. But Fremont was not elected, and the 
country had another breathing-spell, and the rule or ruin party of the South 
another four years 1 period of preparation — preparation for their attempt to 
destroy tie republic; for as to aggression they had no more to make; the 
Supreme Court having decided, in the case ofDred Scott, a negro who claim- 
ed to be free on the ground that his owner had taken him into a free state, 
and afterward into a part of the old Louisiana territory north of 36" SO', 
that the Missouri Compromise Act, in prohibiting slavery north of that par- 
allel, was unconstitutional, and also that slave-owners might take their slaves 
into any state of the Union without detriment to their right to the service 
and labor of those slaves. This decision virtually converted the whole Union 
to the purposes of slavery, regardless of any local law; and in the Union 
there was nothing left for slavery to gain. 

The position taken by the Supreme Court in this case was regarded 
throughout the free states as a direct attack, under cover of law, upon that 
independence in local legislation so carefully secured by the Constitution, 
and consequently as an open attempt upon their liberties. Nearly all of 
them at once took measures of the same kind as the resolution passed in the 
Legislature of New York, which body declared, by large majorities in both 
houses, " that this state will not allow slavery within its borders, in any form, 
or under any pretense, for any time, however short, let the consequences be 
what they may." This, however justifiable, was revolution — indirect, and it 
might have been bloodless, but still revolution ; for either the State of New 
York must fail to make good its solemn asseveration, or else maintain a posi- 
tion in tbe teeth of the Constitution, as it was declared by the authority ap- 
pointed to interpret it So also were tbe Personal Liberty Laws passed in 
some of the free states revolutionary. That of Vermont, for instance, which 
provided that every person who might have been held as a slave who 
should in any manner go into that state should be free; and that any per- 
son who should attempt to hold any free person as a slave in that state for 
any time, however short, on the pretense that that person was or bad been 
a slave, should be subject to imprisonment for five years or a fine of not less 
than $1000 and not more than $10,000. Upon this point, however, no occa- 
eion offered of open rupture. The free states continued to return fugitive 




llaves, though sometimes rescues were attempted ; and no slaveholder ven- 
tured to test the willingness of New York or any other free state to allow 
slavery within itsjurisdiction at the bidding of the Supreme Court. President 
Buchanan, Colonel Fremont's successful competitor, acted on the assumption 
that the only way to preserve the Union was to yield every thin g to the de- 



mands of the South Carolina faction, whose infamous policy in Kansas he sus- 
tained so unscrupulously that he disgusted even those who used him as their 
tool, and gave Mr. Douglas an opportunity to win support in the North by 
opposing him upon the very question which Mr. Douglas himself bad thrown 
like a fire-brand into the country. The support even of the border slave 
states fell away from President Buchanan. Mr. Douglas gained some of it, 
the Republican party the rest. 

While these events were taking place, the aggressive slaveholders were 
lashing themselves and the humble nou-slaveholders around them into hatred 
and fury against their fellow-citizens of the free states. Of the manner of 
doing this and the result, there is one notable and melancholy instance. In 
the summer of the year 1855 the towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth were 
desolated by the yellow fever. The pestilence was so fearful that many of 
the native physicians fled before it, and of those in the neighboring country 
few could be induced to visit the scene of its ravages. Under these circum- 
stances, a large number of medical men from Northern states hastened to the 
aid of their suffering countrymen, and remained with them, serving them 
night and day until the scourge had passed. Unacclimated as they were, 
weary and worn with watching in the pest-houses, many of them were at- 
tacked by the fever, and fourteen died and were buried in the land whither 
they had gone as ministers of mercy. It might be reasonably supposed that 
where their bodies lay would be hallowed ground ; that it would be marked 
by some enduring token of the gratitude of the people for whom these men 
laid down their lives; that fathers would take their children there to teach 
them the noblest lesson of Christianity, self-sacrifice. But the truth is sadly, 
shamefully otherwise. The simple stones that marked their graves were 
made the targets of opprobrium. They stood there silent witnesses of what 
Northern men could dare to do for their countrymen, their brethren, who 
had reviled them for years without mitigation or remorse; they testified 
without ceasing that opposition to tbe spread of slavery did not spring from 
hatred of slaveholders ; and to those who hardened their hearts they became 
an unendurable reproach. At last a leading newspaper in one of these 
towns' openly declared (it can hardly be believed of men in civilized Chris- 
tendom) that the state of feeling toward the North "required the removal" 
of the bodies of these martyrs to benevolence. Such was part of the ma- 
chinery, the infernal machiuery, which was contrived for the destruction of 
the republic! 

This was the condition of affairs when an event occurred which, although 
without immediate consequences of moment, except to the actors in it, seems 
as if it had been foreordained to precipitate the impending revolution. 
John Brown, an anti-slavery fanatic of the blindest and most furious sort, 




but with determination in his nature and method in his madness, who had 
been harried and bunted by border ruffians in Kansas, and had in turn har- 
ried and hunted them as they deserved, made in October, 1859, that raid 
upon Harper's Ferry which is so fresh in all memories. How wc all won- 
dered when the telegraph told us that the national arsenal at that place had 
been seized by a band of men who proved to be only twenty-two in number I 
How we wondered still more when it proved that this treason against the 
United States was committed merely for the purpose of running off as many- 
slaves northward as could be excited to fly! How, in the midst of our con- 
demnation of the act, we felt a certain admiration of the calm self-devotion 
of the old man and his followers, whom it took n company of marines to dis- 
lodge, and whom the State of Virginia hanged with great pomp and formal- 
ity, and with a display of military force which the pretense of an apprehend- 
ed rescue by the Abolitionists did not prevent from being ridiculous. Vir- 
ginia should not have been allowed to punish an offense committed, not 
against her local law, but against the sovereignty of the United States. But 
she boldly assumed the control of the affair. The occasion was too valuable 



1 The Norfolk Argua. 



IS 



INTRODUCTION. 



1860. 



to the conspirators against the republic (for such we must now call them) to 
be lost. It must not be slobbered over, but made the most of, as a means 
of stirring up the masses of the people in the slave states into the proper 
state of turbulence for revolt And, indeed, like all of the radical abolition- 
ist movements, its only effect, its only possible effect, was, to carry the ex- 
citement, the antagonism, and the genuine fears of the slave states to a higher 
pitch than before. Had the disunionists of the South deliberately contrived 
to bring about some event which would give a new and resistless impulse 
to their cause, they could not have planned one which would have served 
their purpose half as well as this reckless raid of a poor old fanatic frontiers- 
man. And so, although the closest and most jealous investigation of " the 
John Brown affair" had failed to connect any party or any leader at the 
North with it, the militia of Virginia were kept under arms until the middle 
of November, and South Carolina was placed under martial law, not for de- 
fense, but to beget an opinion that defense was necessary. 

Opportunely for the disunion party, this strange event — unique of its kind 
in the annals of the country — happened but a short time before the canvass 
for the presidential election of 1860 was about to begin. John Brown was 
hanged in December, 1859, and the Democratic Nominating Convention as- 
sembled in Charleston in April, 1860. In that body the delegates from the 
slave states demanded an adoption of the doctrine that slavery existed by vir- 
tue of the Constitution in all of the Territories, as one of the principles of the 
Democratic party. They made this demand knowing that it would not be ac- 
ceded to; and they were not disappointed. The Democrats from the free states 
had yielded year after year, for the sake of the party and the Union, until they 
felt that it would be ruinous to both to yield any farther. The platform of 
llie slavery propaganda was rejected by a decided, immovable majority, and 
that of the free state delegates, which on the great question conformed to the 
decision of the Supreme Court as to the territories, but asserted the right of 
the people of the territories to admit or exclude slavery, was adopted. Upon 
this the delegates from Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Ar- 
kansas, Florida, and Texas withdrew from the Convention, which, thus di- 
minished to a bare majority of its members, adjourned to meet at Baltimore 
on the 18th of June- It should be observed that, of the fifteen slave states, 
eight, Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, 
Tennessee, and Missouri, including, as will be seen, four of the most import- 
ant, did not join in this attempt to disorganize the Democratic party for the 
purpose of making the election of the Republican candidate sure. This 
purpose was clearly seen at once by all the people of the free states, and 
equally by all the members of the Democratic party in the great and im- 
portant slave states whose delegates had not taken part in the movement; 
and Mr. Douglas, the acknowledged leader and presidential candidate of 
the Democratic party in the free states and this part of the slave states, ex- 
posed in his speeches thoroughly and mercilessly the underhand measures 
by which the South Carolina faction had sought to use the Democrats of the 
North for the furtherance of their designs. The feeling occasioned by these 
events was profound; and it was seen that the old alliance between the 
slavery party and the Democratic party was at an end, that the power of 
the latter was destroyed, and, as regarded the immediate issue, that Mr. 
Douglas's chances of an election had vanished. 

Foreseeing and dreading evil consequences from the election of a Presi- 
dent by the Republican party, a large and influential body of citizens in 
both slave and free states sent delegates to a convention at Baltimore, in 
which John Bell, a Tennessee slaveholder of moderate views and unsuspect- 
ed patriotism, was nominated for the presidency, and Edward Everett, of 
Massachusetts — a man who had been United States Senator, Governor of 
Massachusetts, President of Harvard College, and American minister to Great 
Britain, and who, with the knowledge, as it afterward appeared, of the great 
need of his exertions, had devoted himself for a few }'ears to the preservation 
of the bond of union between the free and the slave states, and who had 
thereby incurred the sneers of the extreme Republicans as a " Union-saver," 
which was with them a term of reproach — was nominated as vice-president. 
The representatives of no party, and having no political organization or 
electioneering machinery at their command, the gentlemen who nominated 
these eminent citizens had no hope of electing them at the ballot-box. But 
it was thought probable that they would receive votes enough to prevent 
any choice by the people, and that thus the election would be thrown into 
the House of Representatives; in which case the election of Messrs. Bell and 
Everett or Messrs. Douglas and Lane was looked for. 

Third in order, but first in importance, was the Convention of the Repub- 
lican party, which took place at Chicago on the 16th of May. The nomina- 
tion of Senator Seward, the congressional leader of this party, was regarded 
as a foregone conclusion. But, to the surprise of the country, Mr. Seward 
failed of a unanimous nomination at the first ballot; and one Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois, was his chief competitor. Of Mr. Lincoln little was known 
out of his own state. Only those who devoted more than a common atten- 
tion to polities remembered that lie bad been a member of the House of 
Representatives for Illinois; that he had "stumped the state" with some 
effect in opposition to Mr. Douglas as candidate for the Senate in 1859 ; and 
that he had made a clever speech upon the great issue before the country at 
the Cooper Institute, in New York, in February, 1860. Yet the plea that 
he could be elected, and that Mr. Seward certainly could not, was urged 
with such effect that after a sharp contest he received a large majority of the 
votes. The nomination of Mr. Polk, or of Mr. Pierce, was not a greater 
surprise to the country; and as the captain of the homeward-bound China 
ship, when he approached Sandy Hook, hailed an outward-bound vessel and 
inquired, "Who's President of the United States?" and being answered 
"James K. Polk," hallooed back, "Who in is James K. Polk?" bo the 



people of the United States with one accord asked, "Who is Abraham Lin- 
coln?" The answer had some significance. He was the grandson of a 
Kentucky pioneer, a fellow-emigrant and friend of Daniel Boone. Left an 
orphan at six years of age, the eldest of a family of four, be could be spared 
to go to school but six months, and began to earn his living ere he was well 
out of his childhood — first as a shepherd-boy, then as an apprentice in a 
saw-mill, then as a Mississippi boatman, then as a farm-hand on new clear- 
ings, in which employment he performed great feats in splitting rails. All 
this before he was legally a man; and when he came of age he went to 
Illinois, where he became general helper in a country store, then salesman, 
giving all his spare time to self-education. In the Black Hawk war be vol- 
unteered; and his capacity and popularity were soon acknowledged by his 
election to the captaincy of his company. His military service over, he was 
chosen member of the State Assembly of Illinois, to which position he was 
re-elected thrice. He now was admitted to the bar of his state, and practiced 
with no little success. He mingled much in politics, and in 1846 was elected 
member of Congress, but soon found it necessary to give his attention exclu- 
sively to his profession and his family. But the crisis of 1S59 was too mo- 
mentous for him to stand quietly aside, taking no part in it; and he entered 
the field again as candidate for the Senate in opposition to Mr. Douglas, His 
controversy with whom showed him a match for that daring, dexterous de- 
bater and practiced politician. He had early gained, and through all these 
vicissitudes of fortune had kept, with the consent of co-workers and oppo- 
nents, the name of " Honest Abe." Such was the man who was suddenly 
placed before the American people as a candidate for the most important 
office in their gift. Of all those who had been placed in a like position, 
Mr. Lincoln was the most perfect example of the working of that repub- 
lican principle which puts the highest honors of the state within the reach 
of the humblest born and bred among its citizens. Not one of the men 
who had preceded him as a candidate for the presidency had staited in life 
upon so low a level, or had passed so many years without any advantages 
of intellectual and social culture. Born in a slave state, and having chosen 
his wife from the same community, he was, although a Republican, a con- 
servative — not tinged in the least with the revolutionary mania of abolition- 
ism. The Republican Convention selected him because of his availability; 
he accepted its nomination modestly. 

The adjourned Democratic Convention, which assembled at Baltimore in 
June, excluded the delegates which had withdrawn from its Charleston ses- 
sion, but admitted new delegates from Alabama and Louisiana who were 
known to be supporters of Mr. Douglas. Upon this the delegates from Vir- 
ginia withdrew, accompanied by most of those from the other slave states, 
and some of those from the free states — all, in fact, who were determined, 
in Mr. Calhoun's words, to "force the issue" upon the country of slavery 
throughout the Union or disunion. This faction organized itself, and nom- 
inated as president John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, a man who had hard- 




ly attained middle age, and who, without remarkable ability, had been made 
a pet by the extreme slavery party and by the politicians of the South gen- 
erally, and as vice-president General Lane, of Oregon. The original body 
nominated Senator Douglas for the presidency, and Herschel V.Johnson, of 
Georgia, for the vice-presidency. 

Of the four parties now in the field, only one— that of Breckinridge and 
Lime — represented the rule or ruin, slavery or disunion, principles. Indeed, 
this party was obliged to nominate its candidates only because of the distinct 
avowal of all the other three that slavery in the Territories of the United 
States was not placed by the Constitution out of the control of the people of 
the United States, and that in any case the perpetuity of the republic was 
before the propagation of slavery. The party at the other extreme, whose 
candidates wee* Lincoln and Hamlin, were the advocates of free soil in the 
Territories, but absolute non-interference with slavery in the States. This 




= 



party the Abolitionists not only refused to vote with, but constantly de- 
nounced ; so that the latter were not represented in the contest. It is import- 
ant to remember these facts in measuring the significance of the vote cast 
at this strange and momentous election. 

The influence of the President, the Cabinet, and the holders of office 
throughout the country was openly and shamelessly exerted for the rule or 
ruin party. Mr. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, while on a visit to 




New York pending the canvass, avowed himself a disunionist; said that, in 
case of Mr. Lincoln's election, secession would have the sympathy and co- 
operation of the administration ; and even declared that he did not believe 
another Congress of the United States would meet. The threats of disunion 
in case the Republican candidate were elected increased in violence; but, 
such was the temper of the people, they were do longer regarded as of old. 
"Gentlemen," said a Virginia planter, trembling with passion, in a conver- 
sation between half a dozen persons in the parlor of a New York insurance 
office, before the Republican nomination had been made, " gentlemen, if you 
elect Mr. Seward President, we shall break up this Union." " I think not, 
sir," calmly replied the man to whom he seemed more particularly to address 
himself. " You'll see, sir — you'll see ; we will surely do it." " Then, sir," 
said the other, as quietly as before, but looking him steadily in the face, " we 
shall nominate Mr. Seward. Mr. Seward is not my man; for I am a free 
trader and an old Democrat. But if Virginia, or any other state or states 
shall declare that, upon the constitutional election of any citizen of the United 
States to any office, the Union shall be broken up, then I nominate that man 
and vote for him on principle ;" and all present, with a single exception, ut- 
tered a hearty Ay. Such was the feeling of the canvass: a canvass con- 
ducted, nevertheless, with a notable moderation of language and bearing, 
except in a few isolated places in the Gulf states; a canvass remarkable, 
too, for the fact that, while in the free states the advocates of the extreme 
slavery or disunion party spoke freely and worked vigorously, without hin- 
derance and almost without rebuke, in the slave states, with one or two ex- 
ceptions, no word was uttered — none would have been allowed to be uttered 
— in behalf of the Republican party. Had any man ventured to declare 
publicly in South Carolina, or south of that state, that Mr. Lincoln was a 
proper person for President of the United States, he would have done so at 
imminent peril of his life. Not, as we shall see, because there were not 
many persons there who were willing, though not desirous, that he should 
assume that office, if constitutionally elected to it, but because the fierce 
faction which had seized the control of affairs in those states were determ- 
ined, right or wrong, to brook no interference, and would either have made 
way with their presumptuous fellow-citizen by the knife, or driven him 
■with violence out of their states into others where the freedom of speech 
guaranteed by the Constitution really existed, and where respect for law 
was enforced by an enlightened public opinion. In those states the Repub' 



INTRODUCTION. [i860. 

swinging lamp. But, as if even this harmless way of wasting time and oil 
could not be contrived without helping the disunion ists, these torch-light pro- 
cessions were made, not in the customary order of civic processions, but by 
platoons in companies, with captains and lieutenants, each club having a sort 
of military organization. It was at once pretended that the real object of all 
this nightly drill and parade was a preparation to invade the South, and a 
new impulse was given to the formation of volunteer companies and bodies 
of minute-men in the slave states. Secession, in case of the election of Mr. 
Lincoln, was openly proposed in the Legislatures of South Carolina and Al- 
abama; the governor of the former recommending the reorganization of the 
militia of the state, and the immediate enlistment of one thousand volunteers. 

Meantime a species of treason was going on in the very cabinet at Wash- 
ington. Mr. Floyd, Secretary of War, and Mr. Toucey, Secretary of the 
Navy, used their official authority to place the government for a time at the 
mercy of the conspirators. The former sent to arsenals and forts in slave 
states all the arms and ammunition of the United States which he could 
move without attracting too rnueh attention, and dispersed the little army 
to widely distant quarters, where it was not needed, placing at the same 
time officers born in slave states, as far as possible, in command at the most 
important points. Mr. Toucey, a Connecticut tool of the South Carolina 
faction, dismantled many vessels of the navy, and scattered the remainder 
to the four winds of heaven. 

Under these foreboding circumstances the presidential election of 1860 
took place on the 6th of November ; and so complete were the arrangements 
for counting the votes and transmitting the returns to the telegraph stations, 
that on the morning of the 7th it was known from Maine to Texas, from 
Florida to Iowa, that Mr. Lincoln was elected. Thirty millions of people, 
scattered over an area of more than three millions of square miles, learned 
within a few hours of its occurrence an event more momentous to their 
country than any other which had taken place since its Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. Mr. Lincoln's majority over all his opponents in the electoral 
college proved to be sixty-four; but of the popular vote Mr. Douglas re- 
ceived nearly as many as Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Bell did together, and 




lieans. the better to marshal and manage their forces, organized " Wide 
Awake Clubs," the chief, in fact the only function of which seemed to be to 
parade the strecta at night in oilskin caps and capes, each man carrying a 




within less than five hundred thousand of as many as were given for Mr. 
Lincoln himself. 2 Indeed, of the popular vote, Mr. Douglas and Mr. Bell 
together had nearly one hundred thousand more than Mr. Lincoln ; and the 
majority of Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell over Lincoln was nearly a mil- 
lion, and the entire electoral votes of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee 
were given for Bell. Let us analyze this vote more carefully; for the South 
Carolina politicians at once began to take measures to bring about an imme- 
diate disruption of the Union, on the ground that the election had drawn a 
geographical line across the country, dividing it into two hostile sections of 
radically different people ; and it is necessary to our purpose that we should 
see the audacity (for when impudence and outrage attain large proportions 
they have that name) both of the pretense and of the undertaking founded 
upon it. We must remember that Mr. Breckinridge represented the people 
whose purpose was that slavery should rule or the republic be destroyed; 
the other three candidates, however divergent their principles upon other 



3 Tho electoral vote was : for Lincoln, 180 ; for Breckinridge, 72 ; for Bell, 39 ; for Douglas, 
12. The popular vote, for Lincoln, 1,8!57,G10; for Douglas, l,36fi,07C; for Breckinridge, 847,058 
(exclusive of South Caroline, whore there is no popular vote) ; for Boll, COO, 631. It mnst bo re- 
membered, in estimating the popular cole, that every ballot in Iho free elates represents a cltlzci 
of tho United Stales, while the ballots in the alavo Mates represent three fiftlis of tho glares. 



I860.] 

subjects, having been nominated in express opposition to the disunion fac- 
tion. Now. the entire popular vote for Breckinridge in the slave states 
was 571,135, while in those very states the vole for Bell and Everett was 



INTRODUCTION. 




515,953, and that for Douglas 103,525, so that by adding the 26,430 votes 
which Mr. Lincoln himself received in the five slave states of Virginia, Ken- 
tucky, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, there were 705,908 voters who de- 
clared themselves distinctly opposed even to bringing the Calhoun issue 
before the country, while of the 571,135 who in effect declared for it, many, 
it is known, and multitudes, there is reason to believe, gave their votes for 
Mr. Breckinridge without regarding the mere election of Mr. Lincoln, in case 
it should take place, as sufficient cause for an attempt to break up the Union. 
So far, in fact, was the result of this election from showing an absolute divi- 
sion of the free and the slave states upon the question at issue, or, in truth, 
upon anv other, that of Mr. Douglas's 1,365,976 votes, 1,202,451 came from 
the free states and 163,525 from the slave; and of Mr. Bell's 590,631 votes, 
515,953 came from the slave states and 74,678 from the free; while in the 
free stateB Mr. Breckinridge himself received 276,818, or nearly one third 
of his entire number — California giving him 34,334; Connecticut, 14,641; 
Indiana, 12,295; Ohio, 11,405; Pennsylvania, 178,871 ; and even Massachu- 
setts 5939. 

These facts make it plain that, whatever division of feeling or interest 
there was between the mass of the people of the free states on the one side, 
and those of the slave states on the other, Mr. Lincoln's election was in itself 
no proof or sign of it. Still less was there at the time of his election any 
radical or material unlikcness between the masses of the people of those two 
divisions of the country. They were not different nations or peoples, united 
by a mere political bond, as those of England, 'Wales, Scotland, and Ireland 
are in the kingdom of Great Britain, but one nation, composed to all intents 
and purposes of but a single element. TVe have seen that in the beginning 
the people of the United States were English people, and that, as a nation, 
they were distinguished above all others for their homogeneousness. An 
English people they continued to be, with their homogeneousness not mate- 
rially impaired in the course of two generations; while of such bonds as 
bind the inhabitants of one country together, not only did those which first 
existed between them still endure, but they had been greatly strengthened 
and multiplied by the passage of events, and the development of the national 
character and resources, during more than half a century. The most mobile 
people in the world, and favored in this respect by the natural formation of 
the country, intercourse among them had been more constant and intimate 
man among the people of any other nation. Having equal, or rather iden- 
tical, political rights in all parts of the country, vast numbers of them con- 
tinually exercised those rights, sometimes in one state, at others in another, 



as business, inclination, or necessity caused them to change their places of 
residence. Men bom and bred in the free states went into the slave states, 
became slaveholders as merchants or planters, and rose to distinction in the 
professions, in society, and in politics. An enormous and entirely unre- 
stricted internal trade caused a constant and assimilating attrition among 
the whole people. As a consequence of this daily intermingling, inter- 
marriage was constantly going on, if, indeed, that can be properly called 
intermarriage which is the union of individuals of the same race and the 
same nation. There was no town or considerable neighborhood, no soci- 
ety- or corporation, no social circle in one of these divisions which was not 
bound by interest, or blood, or close association to some town, or neifbbor- 
hood, or society, or social circle in the other. The language and the liter- 
ature of the several parts of the country could not properly be called like; 
for likeness implies some difference ; they were identical ; the variations in 
speech and idiom being of such a trifling nature that, unlike the people of 
Switzerland, for instance, where the people of one canton, or those of En- 
gland, where those of one county, can not understand those of another, the 
people of this country, even in its rudest and remotest districts, had not two 
dialects of their vernacular tongue. The ties of a common religion stretched 
over the land from north to south and from east to west. Not only so, but 
the chief religious and benevolent organizations of the various slightly diver- 
gent sects included the whole country in their scope, and derived their sup- 
port from its people at large. Since the adoption of the Constitution a 
Spanish and a French province had been added to the country at the South ; 
and of the large immigration, coming chiefly from Ireland and Germany, the 
greater part, but by no meaus all, had settled in the Northern states. But 
in the case of Louisiana and Florida, the number of citizens of a different 
race which were added to the republic was too insignificant to effect any 
change in the character of the population, except in two or three towns; and 
the same remark is even more true with regard to the influx of immigrants 
into the free states, which, having mainly taken place since 1816, there had 
not yet been time for it to effect any material change in the native blood of the 
country, even had that been possible. But such an event seems impossible-, 
for, owing to intermarriage, and still more to the dominant influence of that 
English race which peopled this country, the immediate descendants of Ger- 
mans and Irishmen, bom therein, pass at once iudistinguishably into the 
mass of its inhabitants; and, as in the mother country under like circum- 
stances they become Anglo-Britons, so here they become Anglo- Americans. 
It was such a nation, thus homogeneous, thus bound together, and the indi- 
viduals of which were ceaselessly commingling, as the very soils of the vari- 
ous parts of their country were commingled by a system of navigable rivers, 
unlike that which exists in any other country on the globe, and the various 
commonwealths of which were separated, not by natural boundaries, but by 
imaginary lines studiously drawn so as not to make visible separation, estab- 
lish lines of defense, or secure exclusive privileges — a nation more marked by 
unity than any other in the world — a nation, those individuals of which who 
had enjoyed a like and moderate advantage of social and intellectual culture, 
could not, in familiar intercourse, be distinguished one from another in man- 
ners or in speech by a stranger, although they were born and bred a thou- 
sand miles apart — it was such a nation that the political leaders whom the 
election of Mr. Lincoln had unseated undertook to break into hostile frag- 
ments, and partly on the ground that the people of the states whose elect- 
oral votes bad been cast for him were a different people from those of the 
states whose electoral votes had been cast against him. 3 

But with all the likeness, the real identity between the people of the whole 
country, there was a line which divided universal freedom and the elevation 
and intelligence of the mass of the citizens on the one side from the enslave- 
ment of an inferior race and the degradation and ignorance of the mass of 
the citizens on the other. In these points of difference and their consequen- 
ces consisted the entire difference between the people whom the defeated 
Southern leaders sought to array against each other. To perpetuate the en- 
slavement of that race, and to carry slavery into the territory of the Union, 
and with it the degradation of labor and of all citizens not slaveholders, was 
the object of the leaders of the rebellion. And that which made rebellion 
desirable made it also possible ; for the ignorance, the poverty, the depend- 
ent position, and the blunted sensibilities of the millions of non-slaveholding 
citizens in the slave states, enabled the few thousand slaveholders to deceive 
them as to the issues involved, to excite in them groundless animosity 
against the people of the free states, to cause them to underrate the courage 



3 Sec, for instance, the following extract from the Loukvillc t Ify.) Ginri,-r, published at Nash- 
ville, whither iis editor had lied before the advance of rhc national forces in March, 18G2: 

"This has been called a fratricidal war by some, by others an irrepressible conflict between free- 
dom and slavery. We respect fully take issue with the aalliors of both these ideas. We are not 
the brothers of the Yankees, and tbo slavery quesiion is merely the pretext, not the cause of tho 
war. The true irrepressible conflict lies fundamentally in tho hereditary hostility, the sacred ani- 
mosity, the eternal antagonism between the two raees engaged. 

"Tho Norman cavalier can not brook the vulgar familiarity of the Saxon Yankee, while tho 
latter is continually devising some plan to brine dm™ his aristocratic neighbor to his own detested 
level. Thus was the contest waged in the old United States. So lone; as Dickinson doughfaces 
were to be bought, and Cochrane cowards to bo frightened, so long was (he Union tolerubto to 
Southern men ; but when, owing to divisions in oar ranks, the Yankee hirelings placed one of 
their own spawn over us, political connection became unendurable, and separation necessary to 
prcsorvo our self-respect. 

" As our Norman kinsmen in England, always a minority, have rated their Saxon countrymen 
in political vassalage up to tbo present day, so have we, tho 'slave oligarchs,' governed the Yankees 
till within a twelvemonth. We framed the Constitutiou, for seventy years moulded the policy of 
the povcrnment, and placed our own men, or ' Northern men with Southern principles,' in power- 

"On the Gth of November, I860, the Puritans emancipated themselves, and are now in violent 
insurrection against their former owners. This insane holiday freak will not last lone;, however, 
for, dastards in fight, and incapable of solf-govcrnmont, they will inevitably again fall under the 
control of tho superior race. A few more Bull Run thrashings will bring them onco more under 
tho yoke as docile as tho most loyal of our Ethiopian ' chattels.' " 




Vttm HarpM'a Weekly. 



PRESIDENT LINCOL 




F™ U*rp« ■ WkJJj. 



Copjrlglit, ISTi, bj Hiipa 4 Biotlm. 



INTRODUCTION. 



1860. 



and the determination of those whom they taught them to bate, and gener- 
ally to mislead these poor hoodwinked people and mould them to their own 
selfish purposes. For a whole generation the disunionists had devoted them- 
selves to undermining the loyalty of their fellow-citizens to the republic and 
its flag, and inflating them with the petty pride of state sovereignty, to the 
representation of tbe people of the free states as mean-spirited cowards, who 
w«re scheming to cheat them of their birthright, and to the exaltation of 
that sort of chivalry which consists in the use of the bowie-knife and the re- 
volver. Now the time had arrived when or never all this wicked work was 
to bear its natural fruit. 

Tbe Republican party was somewhat surprised and very exultant over its 
decided victory; but, although the country at large had become used to vi- 
olent threats from the political leaders and writers of the slave states, tbe 
election ofa Republican to the presidency was felt on every side to be no or- 
dinary political event. Over the whole land there was a pause of expecta- 
tion ; the stock-market was troubled, and all eyes were turned southward. 
And first upon South Carolina, whose governor, "William H. Gist, only the 
day before the election, had formally recommended secession to the Legisla- 
ture of that state " in event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the presiden- 
cy." Men were not left, long in doubt as to the purposes of the leaders of 
opinion in that fractious and presuming commonwealth. They were bent 
upon the destruction of the Union, and that immediately. The Legislature 
of the state, which was in session, proceeded at once to consider the propri- 
ety of calling a convention of the people; and, in spite of some attempts to 
induce delay until there could be a consultation leading to combined action 
among the slave States, took ground in favor of instant and separate state 
action. The United States senators for South Carolina resigned their scats. 
The Grand Jury of the United States District Court at Charleston declined 
making its usual presentment, on the ground that the election of Mr. Lincoln 
had "swept away the last hope for the permanence of the federal govern- 
ment of these sovereign states ;" and Judge Magrath, tbe United States judge 




for the district of South Carolina, formally laid offhis robes and resigned his 
office, saying that he felt assured of what would be the action of the state, 
and considered it his duty to prepare to obey its wishes by ceasing to ad- 
minister the laws of the United States within the State of South Carolina. 
His example was promptly followed by all the United States officers in 
Charleston, except the postmaster, the officers of the army, and those in the 
. revenue service. The inhabitants of the town began to enroll themselves as 
minute-men, and the palmetto flag was hoisted on some of the vessels in the 
harbor.* 

Georgia, which, in the Convention for the formation of the Constitution, 
had united with South Carolina in insisting that the slave-trade should be 
left open for a term of years, now quickly joined her former colleague in the 
attempt to destroy the government which was then established on their own 
conditions, and which had since been administered in their own interests, 
and chiefly by men of their own choice. The Governor of Georgia also rec- 
ommended separate state action. He did not deem a general convention of 
the slave states practicable. He proposed that Georgia and each other slave 
state should protect itself by imposing, in defiance of the Constitution, heavy 
duties upon the manufactures of Massachusetts, Vermont, Maine, and other 
" offending" states. He urged the appropriation of a million of dollars for 
putting the state in a condition of defense, and said that to all propositions 
for conference and compromise the answer should be, " Argument is ex- 
hausted ; we stand to our arms." A public meeting was held in Savannah, 
at which it was resolved that " the election of Lincoln and Hamlin ought not 
to be, and will not be submitted to;" and it was recommended to the gov- 



a arms of South Carolina are a palmetto-tret). 



ernor to call a convention of the people. Blue cockades, the old sign of 
South Carolina nullification, began to appear in the streets. 

In the other slave states, although there was no little excitement, there 
was not such ardor and precipitancy in the cause of disunion. In North 
Carolina, in Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mis- 
souri, tbe general feeling, in spite of isolated outbursts of wrath and denun- 
ciation, was decidedly in favor of waiting, at least, until the President elect 
had assumed office, and made some attack upon the peculiar interest of the 
slave states. Mississippi alone of the other slave states seemed ready to em- 
ulate the headlong course of South Carolina and Georgia. The extreme men 
of the South Carolina school in all quarters broke out in denunciation, in in- 
citements to resistance, and in frothy declamation ; but, in all the slave states 
except these three, there were various opinions expressed; the situation was 
discussed with a greater or less degree of calmness; and the weight of pub- 
lic opinion, as shown both by public meetings and the press, was largely and 
decidedly against any violent and unprovoked opposition to the proper re- 
sults of a constitutionally conducted election. Thus, although Governor 
Wise, the previous governor of the State of Virginia, had declared before the 
election that, if Mr. Lincoln were chosen, he " would not remain in the Union 
one hour," and although some Virginia minute-men at once offered their 
services to South Carolina, a large meeting was held in Rockbridge County, 
in the centre of the state — a county containing a large number of slaves, and 
where is the Virginia Military School, and a college endowed by Washing- 
ton — at which resolutions were unanimously adopted denying that "Vir- 
ginia is so hitched to tbe Southern states that they can drag her into a com- 
mon destiny ;" asserting that " nine tenths of the people are opposed to re- 
sisting the general government so long as it is administered in conformity 
with tbe Constitution ;" and also that "Virginia owes no duty to the South." 
These declarations are of value as indications of the state of feeling in cen- 
tral and eastern slavcholding Virginia. Tbe vast division of the state which 
lay west of the Shenandoah Valley, containing one quarter of its inhabitants, 
one third of its agricultural wealth, and its chief commercial town, was un- 
conditionally and heartily devoted to the Union. Like demonstrations were 
made in Maryland, in North Carolina, in Tennessee, Kentucky, and in Ala- 
bama. Thus divided were the people of the slave states upon the issue, as 
it was at first presented ; the great majority being directly opposed to an at- 
tempt to break up the government because of the constitutional election of 
a president who not only had made no war upon their interests, but who, 
for four months, would have no more power to do so tuan the humblest of 
his fellow-citizens. It seemed for a day or two — for then days were count- 
ed — as if South Carolina would be left to herself, or perbaps to the company 
of Georgia. Nevertheless, she and those whom she had infected with her 
poison kept up their rebellious agitation, availing themselves of the pettiest 
means to foment an anti-Union feeling where none existed, and to magnify 
that which did exist. So, some foolish, loose-ton gued, if not loose-lived, med- 
ical students in New York, having met and resolved to " withdraw their pat- 
ronage from Northern institutions" and to leave the city for their homes, 
much was made of this silly proceeding. All this and much more like it 
had happened within a week of the election, and on the 12th of November, 
only six days after that event, Lawrence M. Keitt, member of the House for 
South Carolina — he who had stood by pistol in hand while his colleague beat 
Senator Sumner senseless in the Senate-chamber — openly declared in a pub- 
lic speech at Washington, that President Buchanan " was pledged to seces- 
sion, and would be held to it," and that "South Carolina would shatter the 
accursed Union ;" adding, in that blind, bombastic language, which political 
speakers and writers of his stamp so much affect, that, " if she could not ac- 
complish it otherwise, she would throw her arms round the pillars of the 
Constitution, and involve all the states in a common ruin." This declara- 
tion of the complicity of President Buchanan in the schemes of the disunion- 
ists, which, it will be remembered, had also been made by his own Secretary 
of the Treasury, furnishes a clew to their precipitate action, which subsequent 
events will enable us to follow out to a conclusion shameful to the nation, 
and deeply dishonorable to all who were involved in it. 

The effect of this single week upon the country was itself a disaster. 
Trade was seriously disturbed ; stocks fell rapidly ; foreign and domestic ex- 
changes were embarrassed. The payment of debts to creditors in tbe free 
states was very generally refused in South Carolina and in Georgia, on the 
ground that they were due to men who might prove enemies. Neverthe- 
less, the banks of those states drew on New York and Boston, and had their 
drafts honored in specie, although their own suspension of paj'ment was 
daily expected. The government was powerless for the time. Congress 
was not in session ; and therefore the President could not declare the policy 
of his administration during the remainder of its existence, which, brief 
though it was, was big with woe to the nation — to the world. Nothing had 
been done, even in South Carolina, which required executive interference 
or even furnished occasion for a proclamation. The agitation of any sub 
ject, however dangerous, he had neither the right nor the power to restrain, 
and thus far only agitation had been attempted. Had he desired to strength- 
en the garrisons of the military posts in the most disturbed districts, he could 
not have done so; for the army was so small, and had been so scattered, 
that he could not have concentrated a sufficient force in time to be of any 
service. The navy was equally out of his reach. He was embarrassed, 
also, by the fact that not only had no overt act been committed, but no au- 
thoritative revolutionary declaration had been made; there was only much 
excitement every where, and fierce agitation in some quarters. But tbe de- 
termination of the agitators was clearly seen ; and it was seen, too, that, in- 
stead of attempting to attain their end by a convention of the people of the 
United States, which, by amending the Constitution or abrogating it, could 




LIEUTENANT GENERAL WIKFIELD SCOTT. 



INTRODUCTION. 



18 GO. 



have permitted the peaceable withdrawal of certain states, or have resolved 
the republic again into its elements, they were determined to set the Consti- 
tution at naught by the mere exercise of their own will, and thus force the 
alternative of resistance to their action, or the humiliation, and, in fact, the 
extinction of the national government. Gloomy forebodings filled the pub- 
lic mind, and a financial panic fell upon the whole country. 

Yet it can not be too clearly or too constantly borne in mind by those who 
would justly appreciate the manner in which the rebellion was brought 
about, that thus far South Carolina was the only state in which the move- 
ment for secession was so general as to seem virtually unanimous. Even in 
Georgia many meetings were held to denounce the leaders of the movement 
for secession, although in the Legislature resolutions were introduced and 
ordered to be printed, which demanded that, as the States of Massachusetts, 
Vermont, Maine, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Michigan, "Wiscon- 
sin, and Pennsylvania had "nullified the Constitution," they should be re- 
garded as no longer constituent parts of the United States of America, and 
that their votes in the electoral college should be thrown out; and instructing 
the members of Congress for Georgia, if this were not done, to resign their 
scats. This those members were ready and anxious enough to do ; for at the 
head of the agitators of disunion were Alfred Iverson and Robert Toombs, 
United States Senators from Georgia, the former of whom had not hesi- 
tated to suggest, under his own signature, the outlawing and killing of any 
man who should accept office under Mr. Lincoln. Yet on the 4th of Novem- 
ber, Alexander H. Stephens, a man whose integrity and ability had justly 
won him the first place among the political leaders of Georgia, which he had 
long represented in the Congress of the United States, addressed, by formal 
invitation, a large concourse in the State Hall of Representatives at Milledge- 
villc on the condition of the country, and took ground, without hesitation or 
qualification, not only against secession, but against the right to secede under 
the circumstances. Upon this, the cardinal, in fact, the only point of the 
issue then presented, he said : " The first question that presents itself is, Shall 
the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the elec- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln to the presidency of the United States? My country- 
men, I tel! you frankly, candidly, and earnestly that I do not think that they 
ought. In my judgment, the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to 
that high ofiice, is sufficient cause for an}' state to separate from the Union. 
It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the 
country. To make a point of resistance to the government, to withdraw 
from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the 
wrong." 5 A slaveholder, au unqualifying advocate of slavery, a politician 



• Spetcli of A. II Steplient, delivered in the HallqfAht House qf Representatives of Georgia, 
Nov. 14, 18G0. 

Flllow-Citizesb, — I appear before you to-night ot the request of members of the Legislature 
and others to speak of matters of the deepest Interest that enn possibly concern us all of an earth- 
ly character. There is nothing— no question or subject connected with this life — that concerns a 
free people so intimately as (hat of the government under which they live. We ore now, indeed, 
surrounded by evils. Never, since I entered upon the pnblic stage, has the country been bo en- 
vironed with difficulties and dangers that threatened the pnblic pence and the very existence of 
society as now. I do not now appear befure you ai my own insranee. It is not to gratify desire 
of my own that I am here. Had I consulted my own ease and pleasure, I should not be before 
you; but, believing that it is the duty of even - good < ilizon to give his counsels and views when- 
ever the country is in danger, as to the best policy to be pursued, I am here. For these reasons, 
and these only, do I bespeak a calm, patient, and attentive hearing. 

My object is not to siir up strife, but to allay it; not to appeal to your passions, but to your 
reason. Good governments can never be built up or sustained by the impulse of passion. 1 wish 
to address myself to your good sense, to your good judgment ; and if, after hearing, you disagree, 
let us agree to disagree, nod pari as no met, friends. Wo all have the same object, tho same in- 
terest. That i-cople should disagree in republican governments u|»n questions of public policy 
is natural. That men should disagree upon all matters connected with human investigation, 
whether relating to science or human conduct, is natural. Hence, in free governments, parlies 
will arise. But a free people should express their different opinions with liberality and charity, 
with no acrimony toward those of their fellows, when honestly and sincerely given. These arc 
my feelings to-night. 

Let its, therefore, reason together. It is not my purpose to sny aught to wound the feelings of 
nny individual who may ho present; and if, in the ardency with which I shall express my opin- 
ions, I shall say any thing which may be deemed too strong, let it be set down to the zeal with 
which I advocate my own convictions. There is with mo no intention to irritate or offend. 

The first qui.'stinn that pre-cnia itself is, Shall the people of the South senile from the Union in 
consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the presidency of the United Stales? My country- 
men, I tell ijoiif lankly, atmdidlu, and earnestly that Ida not think that they ought. In my judgment, 
the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to thai high office, is sufficient cause for any state 
to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in muiatainiag the Constitution 
of the country. To make a point of resistance to the government, to withdraw from it because a 
man has been constitutionally ducted, [mis us in the wrong. We are pledged to maintain the 
Constitution. Many of us have sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, fur the mere election of 
a man to the presidency, and that, too, in accordance with tho prescribed forms nf tho Constitu- 
tion, mako a point of resistance to the government without becoming the breakers of that sacred 
instrument ourselves, withdraw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong? Whatever 
fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and es- 
pecially to the people of Georgia, that we were untrue to our national engagements. Let the 
fault and the wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes arc to be blasted, if tho republic is to go 
down, let us bo found to the last moment standing on tho deck, with the Constitution of the 
United States waving over our heads. (Applause.) Let the fanatics of the North break the Con- 
stitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsibility be upon them. I shall speak pres- 
ently more of their acts ; but let not the South, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. 
We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what wo wished ; but 
the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the govern- 
ment, and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made up hereafter against us. 

But it is said Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that, if he 
carries them out, it will be destructive of our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil. If 
he violates the Constitution, then will come our time to act. Do not let as break it because, for- 
sooth, he may. If he does, that is the time for us to strike. (Applause.) I think it wonld bo 
injudicious and unwise to do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do any tiling 
to jeopard our safety or security, whatever may be his spirit to do it ; for he is bound by the con- 
stitutional checks which are thrown around htm, which at this time renders him powerless to do 
any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States 
is no emperor, uo dictator; he is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless ho 
is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against 

In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will lie n majority of four against him. This, 
after tho loss of Rigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the National Demo- 
cratic party in their states. Mr. Lincoln can not appoint nn officer without the consent of the 
Senate; he can not form a cabinet without the same consent. He will be in tho condition of 
George III. (the embodiment of Toryism), who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his ministers, and 
was compelled to receive n cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be com- 
pelled to ask of tho Senate to choose for him n cabinet, if the democracy of that body choose to 
put him on such terms. Ho will bo compelled to do this or let the government stop, if the Na- 
tional Democratic men— for that is their name at the North— thu conservative men in the Senate, 



of long experience and continued success, his estimate of the causes of the 
secession movement are of the highest significance and of the greatest weight; 




should so determine. Then, how can Mr.Lincoln obtain a cabinet which would aid him, or al- 
low him to violate tho Coastitution? 

Why then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union when his hands arc tied, when he can 
do nothing against us? I have heard it mooted that no man in the State of Georgia, who is true 
to her interests, could hold office under Mr. Lincoln, Bur, I ask, who appoints to office? Not 
tho President alone ; the Senate has to concur. No man can be appointed without the consent 
of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold office that was given to him by n Democratic 
Senate ? [Mr. Toombs interrupted, and said, if the Senate was Democratic, it was for Mr. Breck- 
inridge.] Well, then, continued Mr. S., I apprehend no man could be justly considered untrue to 
the interests of Georgia, or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to hold an 
office which a Breckinridge Senate had given him, even though Mr. Lincoln should be President 
(Prolonged applause, mingled with interruptions.) 

I trust, my countrymen, you will be still and silent. I am addressing your good sense. I am 
giving you my views in a calm and dispassionate manner, and if any of you differ with me, you 
can, on any other occasion, give your views as I am doing now, and let reason and true patriotism 
decide between us. In my judgment, I say, under such circumstances, there would be no possible 
disgrace for a Southern man to hold office. No man will be suffered to be appointed, I have no 
doubt, who is not true to the Constitution, if Southern senators are true to their trusts, as I can 
not permit myself to doubt that they will be. 

My honorable friend who addressed you last night [Mr. Toombs), and to whom I listened with 
the profoundest attention, asks if we would submit 10 Black Republican rule. I say to you and 
to him, as a Georgian, I never would submit to any Black Republican aggression upon our consti- 
tutional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as I tuluiirc this Union fur the glories of tho 
past, or the blessings of the present, as much na it has done for the people of all these states, as 
much as it has done for civilization, as much ns the hopes of the world hang upon it, I would 
never submit to aggression upon my rights to m iint.nn it longer ; and if they can not he main- 
tained in the Union. Standing on tlto Georgia I'l.itiWm. uliero I have stood from the time of its 
adoption, I would be in favor of disrupting every tie » hii h hinds the stales together. 

I will have equality for Georgia and for the citizens of Georgia in this Union, or I "ill look for 
new safeguards elsewhere. This is my position. The only question now is, Can they be secured 
in the Union? That is what I am counseling with you to-night about. Can it be secured? In 
my judgment, it may be, but it may not be ; but let us do all we can, so that in the future, if the 
worst come, it may never be said we were negligent in doing our duty to the last. 

My countrymen, I am not of those who believe this Union has been a curse up to this time. 
True men, men of integrity, entertain different views from me on this subject. I do not question 
their right to do so; I would not Impugn their motives in so doing. Nor will I undertake to say 
that this government of our fathers is perfect. There is nothing perfect in this world of a humnn 
origin — nothing connected with human nature, from man himself to any of his works. Vou 
may select the wisest and best men for your judges, and yet how many defects are (here in the 
administration of justice ? You may select the wisest and best men for yoor legislators, and yet 
how many defects are apparent in your laws? And it is so in our government. 

But that this government of our fathers, with all its defects, cuioes nearer the objects of all good 
governments than any other on the face of tho earth, is my settled conviction. Contrast it now 
with anv on the face of the earth. [England, said Mr. Toombs] England, my friend snys. 
Well, that is the next best, I grant; but I think we have improved upon England. Statesmen 
tried their apprentice hand on the government of England, and then ours was made. Ours sprung 
from that, avoiding many of its defects, taking most of the good and leaving out many of its er- 
rors, and from the whole constructing and building up this mode! republic, the best which the his- 
tory of tho world gives any account of. 

Compare, my friends, this government with that of Spain. Mexico, the South American repub- 
lics, Gcrmnnv, Ireland— arc there anv sons of that down-in.ddi'n n:iti..u here to-night ?— Prussia, 
or, if you travel farther East, to Turkey or China. Whore will you go, following the sun in its 
circuit round our globe, to find a government that better protects the liberties of its people, and 
secures to them the blessings we enjoy? (Applause.) 1 think that one of the evils that beset us 
is a surfeit of libertv. an cMiberjncc of the priei-Ws hlc-.-ings for which we are ungratefal. We 
listened to my honorablo friend who addressed you last night (Mr. Toombs) as he reeoanted the 
evils of this government. 

The first was the fishing bounties, paid mostly to the sailors of New England. Our friend 
stated that forty-eight yeans of our government was under the administration nf Southern presi- 
dents. Well, t'he-'c ti-limg bounties Iwgan under the rule of a Southern president, I believe. No 
one of them, during ihc uholc forty-eight years, ever set his ndmi nisi ration against the principle 
or .policy of them. It is not for me to say whether it wna a wise policy in the beginning; it prob- 
ably was not, and I have nothing to say in its defense. Bat the reason given for it was to encour- 
age our young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. We had at the time but a small nay. 
It was thought best to encourage a etiss of our people to become acquainted with seafaring life, 
to become sailors to man our naval ships. It requires practice to walk the deck of a ship, to pull 
the ropes, to furl the sails, to go aloft, to climb the mast ; and it was thought, by offering this 
bounty, a nursery might be formed in which young men would become perfected in these arts, 
and it applied to one section of the Country as well as to any other. 



INTRODUCTION. 



[I860. 



and upon this subject he said : " Some of our public men have failed in tbeir 
aspirations; that is true, and from that comes a great part of our troubles." 
The feeling of his audience may be gathered from the fact that this state- 
ment was received with prolonged applause. Yet in less than three months 
from that night a Georgia Convention had passed an ordinance of secession, 
and Mr. Stephens himself was vice-president of the provisional government 
set up by the insurgents. Some notion of the sort of influence which was 
brought to bear during that interval upon him and others like minded may 
be formed from the fact that, during this long, carefully considered, and sol- 
emnly uttered speech, he was constantly interrupted by Mr. Toombs, in a 
tone of sneering menace, on one occasion for the purpose of objecting to Mr. 
Stephens's suggestion that nothing should be done by Georgia without sub- 
mitting the great question of the day to a convention of the people 1 

The persistency and precipitancy of South Carolina offended the border 
states. They even resented it as a wrong done to the common cause. They 
claimed a right to be consulted upon a question of such stupendous import- 
ance as the severance of the republic for the cause of slavery. The Vir- 



Tiic result of this was, Hint in the war of 1812, our sailors, many of whom came from this nur- 
sery, were equal to any that England brought against us. At any rale, no small port of the glo- 
ries of that whr were gained by the veteran Uirs of America, and the object of these bounties was 
to foster that branch of the national defense. My opinion is that, whatever may have been the 
reason at first, this bounty ought to be discontinued— the reason for it at first no longer exists. A 
bill for this object did pass the Senate the last Congress I was in, to which my honorable friend 
contributed greatly, but it was not reached in the House of Representative;!. 1 trust [lint he will 
yet see that he mnv with honor continue his connection with the government, and that his elo- 
quence, unrivaled in the Senate, may hereafter, as heretofore, be displayed In having this bounty, 
so obnoxious to him, repealed and wiped oil' from the stututc-book. 

Tho nest evil that my friend comphiincd of was the tariff. Well, let us look at that for a mo- 
ment. About the time I commenced noticing public matters, this question was agitating the 
rountry almost nj fearfully as the slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college. South 
Carolina was ready to nullify or secede from the Union on this account. And what have we seen ? 
Tho tariff no longer distracts the public councils. Reason has triumphed! The present t arid' was 
voted for bv Massachusetts ami South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down together — every 
man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South Carolina, I think, voted for it, ns did 
my honorable friend himself. And if it bo true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable 
friend, tluit every man in the North that works in iron, and brass, and wood has his muscle 
strengthened by the protection of the government, that stimulant was given by his vote, and, I be- 
lieve, every other Southern man. So wc ought not to complain of that. 

Mr. Tooinlm. The tariff assessed the duties. 

Mr. Stephens. Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and 
they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is the rates they arc now 
at. If reason and argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of Massa- 
chusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the tariff, may not like changes be effected there by 
the same means — reason and argument, anil appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question? 
nnd who can say that by ISifi or 1830 Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina and 
Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the country, and threaten its peace and exist- 
ence? I believe in the power and efficiency of truth, in the omnipotence of truth, and its ultimate 
triumph when properly wielded. (Applause.) 

Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the navigation laws. This 
policy was also commenced under tho administration of one of these Southern presidents who 
ruled" so well, and has been continued thro ugh nil of ilieni since, The gentleman's views of the 
policy of these laws and my own do not disagree. We occupied the same ground in relation to 
them in Congress. It is not my purpose to defend them now; but it is proper to state some 
matters connected with their origin. 

One of the objects was to build up a commercial American marine by giving American bottoms 
the exclusive carrying trade between our own ports. This is a gTcat arm of national power. 
This object was accomplished. We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise, but to 
foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the nations of the world. England can no 
longer be styled the Mi-tress of the Seas. What American is not proud of the result? Whether 
those laws should be continued is another question. But one thing is certain: no president, 
Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. And my friend's efforts to get 
them repealed were met with but little favor, North or South. 

These, then, were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint against the general system 
of our government nnd its workings — I mean the administration of the federal government. As 
to the acts of the federal states, I shall S|ieak presently ; hut these three were the main ones used 
ngainst the common head. Now, suppose it be admitted that all of these are evils in the system, 
do they overbalance and Outweigh, the advantages and great good which this same government 
affords in a thousand innumerable ways that can not be estimated ? Huvc wo not at the South, 
as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under its operation? Has any part of 
the world ever sliown such rapid progress in the development of wealth, and all the material re- 
sources of national power and greatness, as the Southern states have under the general govern- 
ment, notwithstanding all its defects? 

Mr. Toombs. In spite of it. 

Mr. Stcphats. My honorable friend snys we have, in spite of the general government; that 
without it I suppose" he thinks we might have done as well, or perhaps better, than we have done 
this in spite of it. That may be, and it may not be; but the great fact that we have grown great 
and powerful under the government as it exists, there is no conjecture or speculation about that ; 
it stands out bold, high, and prominent, like your Stone Mountain, to which the gentleman alluded 
in illustrating home facts in his record— this great fact of our unrivaled prosperity in the Union 
as it is admitted ; whether all this is in spite of the government — whether wo of the South would 
have been better off without the government — is, to say tho least, problematical. On the one side 
we can only put the fact against simulation and conjecture on the other. But even as a question 
of speculation I differ with my distinguished friend. 

What we would have lost in border wars without the Union, or what we bnvc gained simply by 
the peace it has secured, no estimate can bo made of. Our foreign trade, which is the foundation 
of all our prosperity, has the protection of the navy, which drove the pirates from the waters near 
our coast, where they had been buccaneering for centuries before, and might have been still had 
it not been for the American navy, under the command of such spirit- u Commodore Porter. 
Now that the coast is clear, that our commerce Hows freely outwardly, we can not well estimate 
how- it would have been under other circumstances. Tho influence of the government on us is 
liko that of the atmosphere around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they arc seldom 
thought of or appreciated. 

We seldom ihink of the tingle clement of oxygen in the air we breathe, and yet let this simple, 
unseen, nnd utifolt agent be withdrawn — this life-giving clement be taken away from this nil-per- 
vading tluid around us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all organic 
creation ! 

It may bo that wo arc nil that we arc in "spite of the general government,'' hut it may be that 
without it we should have been far different from what we are now. It is true there is no equal 
part of the earth with natural resources superior perhaps to ours. That portion of this country 
known as tho Southern states, stretching from the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal 
to the picture drawn by the honorable and eloquent senator last night, in all natural capacities. 
But how many ages and centuries passed before these capacities were developed to reach this ad- 
vanced age of civilization ? There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and 
plains, are as they have boon since they came from the hand of the Creator ; uneducated and un- 
civilised man roamed over them, for how long no history informs us. 

It was only under our institutions that they could be developed. Their development is the re- 
sult of the enterprise of our people tAider operations of the government and institutions under 
which we hnvo lived. Even our people without these never would have done it. The organiza- 
tion of society has much to do with the development of the natural resources of any country or 
any land. The institutions of a people, political nnd moral, arc tho matrix in which the germ 
of their organic structure quickens into lite — takes root and develops in form, nature, nnd char- 
acter. Our institutions constitute the basis, the matrix, from which spring all our characteristics 
of development and greatness. Look at Greece. There is the same fertile soil, tho samo hlue 
sky, the same inlets nnd harbors, the samo j'Egcan, the same Olympus; there is the same land 
where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke ; it is in nature the same old Greece, but it is living 
Greece no more. (Applause.) 

Descendants of the snme people inhabit the country ; yet what is the reason of this mighty dif- 
ference? In the midst of present degradation wo see the glorious fragments of ancient works of 
Brt — temples ivith ornaments and inscription) that excite wonder and adi ' 



gtnians proposed to South Carolina a convention of the slave states; but 
this South Carolina, with flippant haughtiness, refused to entertain, on the 
ground that Virginia was "completely demoralized" because she had "placed 
the Union above the rights and institutions of the South." The truth was, 
that the Virginia leaders knew that it was the purpose of South Carolina 
and Georgia to open the slave-trade ; and to this they were opposed, because 
the chief wealth of the Virginia planters was in the slaves which they bred. 
This the South Carolina leaders, wise in their generation, saw at once, and 
used now and afterward to their advantage. On the 26th of November the 
Legislature of South Carolina met at Columbia. The governor (Gist), in his 
message, took ground in favor of immediate state action, declared his belief 
that Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas would not 
hesitate to follow South Carolina, which, he said, would be " wanting in self- 
respect to entertain propositions looking to a continuance of the Union." It 
was determined that the delegates to the House of Representatives should 
go to Washington and resign, but remain there for consultation with other 
Southern members of Congress; and it was confidently announced that the 



of a once high order of civilization which have outlived the language they spoke— upon lliem all 
Icbabod is written— their glory has departed. Why is this so? I answer, their institutions have 
been destroyed. These were but the fruits of their forms of government, thu matrix from which 
their grand development sprung ; and when once tho institutions of a people hnve been destroyed, 
there is no earthly power that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here again 
any more thnn in that ancient land of eloquence, poetry, and song. (Applnusc.) 

The same may lie said of Italy. Whero is Rome, once the mistress of the world ? There arc 
the same seven hills now, the same soil, the same natural resources ; nature is tho snme, but what 
a ruin of human greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and breadth of that 
most downtrodden land ! Why have nut the people of that Ileavcn- favored clime the spirit that 
animated their fathers? Why this sad difference? 

It is the destruction of her institutions that has caused it ; and, my countrymen, if wo shnll in 
an evil hour rashly pull down and desimv those institution 1 : which the patriotic band of our fat here 
labored so long and so hard to build up, nnd which have done so much for us and the world, who 
can venture the prediction that similar results w ill not ensue ? Let lis avoid it if we can, I trust 
the spirit is among us that will enable ns to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment; for if it 
fails, as it did in Greece nnd Italy, nnd in the South American republics, and in every other 
place, wherever liberty is once destroyed, it may never be restored to us again. (Applause.) 

There are defects in our government, errors in administration, nnd shortcomings of mnnv kinds, 
but, in spite of these defects nnd errors, Georgin ban grown to be a grent'state. Let us pause hero 
a moment. In I SCO there was a great crisis, hut not so fearful ns this, for of all I have ever passed 
through, this is the most perilous, and requires to be met with the greatest calmness and doliber- 

There were many among us in 1850 zealous to go nt once out of tho Union, (o disrupt every 
tic that binds us together. Now do you believe, had that policy been carried out at that time, 
we would have been the same great people thai we are to-day? It may he that we would, but 
have you any assurance of that fact? Would you have made the same advancement, improve- 
ment, nnd progress in all that constitutes material wealth and prosperity that we have? 

I notice in the Comptroller General's report that the taxable property of Georgia is §(570, 000,000 
and upward, nn amount not far from double that it was in 18.JI), 1 think I may venture to say 
that for the last ten years the material wealth of the people of Georgia has been nearly, if not quite 
doubled. The same may be said of our advance in education, nnd every thing that marks our 
civilization. Have we any assurance that, had wo regarded the earnest but misguided patriotic 
advice, as I think, of some of that day, and disrupted the ties which bind us to the Union, wo 
would have advanced ns wc have? I think not. Well, then, let us tie careful now before wc at- 
tempt any rash experiment of this sort. I know that there are friends, whose patriotism I do not 
intend to question, who think this Union a curse, and that wc would be better olF without it. 1 
do not so think ; if we can bring about a correction of these evils which threaten — and I am not 
without hope that this may yet be done— this appeal to go out, with all the provisions for good 
that accompany it, I look upon as a great, and, I fear, a fatal temptation. 

When 1 look around and sec our prosperity in every thing, agriculture, commerce, art, science, 
and every department of education, physical and mental, as well as moral advancement, nnd our 
colleges, I think, in the face of such an exhibition, if wc can, without the loss of power, or any 
essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to ourselves nnd to posterity to — 
let us not too readily yield to this temptation— do so. Our first parents, the great progenitors of 
the human race, were not without a like temptation when in the garden of Eden. They were led 
to believe that their condition would lie bettered— that their eves would be opened — nnd that they 
would become as gods. They in an evil hour yielded ; instead of becoming gods they only saw 
their own nakedness. 

I look upon this country, with onr institutions, as the Eden of the world, the paradise of the uni- 
verse. It mny be that out of it we may become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid 
and sincere in telling you that I fear, if we rashly evince passion, and. without sufficient cause, shall 
take that Step, that instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous, nnd happy — instead 
of becoming gods, we will become demons, ami at no distant day commence cutting one another's 
throats. This is my apprehension. Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet these difficulties, 
great as they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of all the conse- 
quences which may nttend our action. Let us sec first clearly where the path of duly leads, and 
then wc may not fear to tread therein. 

I come now to the main question put to me. nnd on which my counsel bus been asked. That 
is, What the present Legislature ,-hould do in view of the dangers that threaten us, and ihe wrongs 
that hnve been done us by several of our confederate states in the Union, by the nets of their 
Legislatures nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law, nnd in direct disregard of their constitutional obli- 
gations? What I shall say will not be in the spirit of dictation. It will lie simply my own judg- 
ment, for what it is worth. It proceeds from n strong conviction that, tii-cnrding to it, our rights, 
interests, and honor — our present safety and future security, can be maintained without yet look- 
ing to the last resort, the "ultima ratio region." That should not be looked to until all else fails. 
That may come. On this point I am hopeful, but not sanguine. But let us use every patriotic 
effort to prevent it while there is ground for hope. 

If any view that I may present, in your judgment, be inconsistent with the host interests of 
Georgia, I ask you, as patriots, not to regard it. After hearing mo and others whom you have 
advised with, act in the premises according to your own conviction of duty as patriots. I speak 
now particularly to the members of the Legislature present. There are, us I have suid, great dan- 
gers ahead. Great dangers may come from the election I have spoken of. If the tiolicy of Mr. 
Lincoln and his Republican associates shall bo carried out, or attempted to be carried out, no man 
in Georgia will be more willing or ready than myself to defend our rights, interest, and honor at 
every hazard, and to the last extremity. (Applause.) 

What is this policy ? It is, in the first place, to exclude us by an act of Congress from the Ter- 
ritories with our slave property. He is For using the power of the general government ngainst tho 
extension of our institutions. Our position on this point is, and ought to be, at all hazards, for 
perfect equality between nil the states, and the citizens of all the states, in the Territories, under 
the Constitution of the United States. If Congress should exercise its power against this, then I 
am for standing where Georgia planted herself in 1850. These were plain propositions which 
were then laid down in her celebrated platform as sufficient for the disruption of the Union if tho 
occasion should ever come; on these Georgia has declared that she will go out of the Union j and 
for these she would be justified by tho nations of the earth in so doing. 

I say the same : I said it then"; I sny it now, if Mr. Lincoln's policy should bo carried out. I 
have told you that I do not think his "bare election sufficient cause; hut if bis pulicy should be 
carried out in violation of any of the principles set forth in the Georgin Platform, that would be 
such an act of aggression which ought to be met as therein provided for. If his policy shall be 
carried out in repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave Law so ns to weaken its efficacy, Georgia 
has declared that she will in the last resort disrupt the lies of the Union, and I say so too. Island 
upon the Georgia Platform, and upon every plank; and say, if those aggressions therein provided 
for take place, I say to you and to the people of Georgia, keep your powder dry, and let your as- 
sailants then have 'lend,' if need be. (Applause.) I would wait for an act of aggression. This 
is my position. 

Now upon another point, and that the most difficult, and deserving your most serious consider- 
ation, I will speak. That is the course which this stale should pursue toward these Northern 
States, which by their logi-lntive act. have attempted to nullify the Fugitive Slave Law. I know 
that in some of these states their acts pretend to lie based upon the principles set forth in the case 
of Pntoo against Pennsylvania ; that decision did proclaim the doeirino that the state officers are 
not bound to carry out the provisions of a law of Congress — that the federal government can not 
impose duties upon stale officials ; that they must execute their own laws by their own officers. 



I860.] 



INTRODUCTION. 



H7 



state would be "out of the Union" by the 18th of December. In all this 
time there not only had not been a single overt act of treason, but the laws 
of the United States had been scrupulously obeyed. 

The temper and the purposes of the radical Abolitionists were now most 
significantly shown by their choice of this time, of all others, for a public 
apotheosis of John Drown. The 3d of December, the day on which Con- 
gress was to assemble, was also the anniversary of his death by execution 
of the law; and this occasion was to have been celebrated at the Tremont 
Temple, in Boston, by various exercises, which were to continue morning, 
afternoon, and evening. But the organizers of so flagrant an affront to pub- 
lic decency were doomed to disappointment. At the opening of the doors 
there was a small assemblage of negroes and white men, to the latter class 
of which there were soon large additions, among them the Chief of Police, 
with part of his force. Upon an attempt to organize the meeting for the 
purpose for which it was called, groans and hisses broke out all over the 
house, followed by cheers for the Constitution. Mr. Richard S. Fay, an emi- 
nent merchant and a strong anti-Abolitionist, was then nominated from the 



And ibis may be true. Bat slill it in Ibc duly of the slates to deliver fugitive slave,", tw well as the 
duty of the general government in see thai it is done. 

Northern states, on entering into tbe federal compact, pledged themselves to surrender such 
fugitives; and it is in disregard of their obligations that they have passed laws which even tend 
to hinder or obstruct the fulfillment of that obligation. They have viulated their plighted fuitli ; 
what ought we to do in view of ibis? That is the question. What is to be done ? By the law 
of nations you would have n right to demand the carrying out of this article of agreement, and I 
do not sec thut it should be otherwise with respect to the states of this Union ; and in cue it be 
not done, we would, by these principles, have ihc right to commit acts of reprisal on these fuith. 
less governments, nod seize upon their property, or that of their citizens wherever found. The 
slates of this Union Bland upon the same footing v. ith foreign nations in this respect. But by ih§ 
law of nations we arc equally hound, before proceeding to violent measures, to set forth our griev- 
ances before the offending government, to give ihctn an opportunity to redress the wrong. Has 
our state yet done this ? I think not. 

Suppose it were Great Britain that had violated some compact of agreement with the general 
government, what would be first done? In (hat case our minister would be directed, in the first 
instance, to bring the matter to the attention of thut government, or n commissioner be sent to 
that country to open negotiations with her, ask for redress, and it would only be when argument 
and reason had been exhausted that we should take the last resort of nations. That would be 
the course toward a foreign government, and toward a member of this confederacy I would rec- 
ommend the same course. 

Let us, therefore, not act hastily in this matter. Let your Committee on the Stale of the Re- 
public make out a bill of grievances ; let it be sent by the governor to those faithless stales, and 
if reason and argument shall be tried in vain — nil shall fail to induce them to return to their con- 
stitutional obligations, I would be for retaliatory measures, such as the governor lues suggested to 
you. This mode of resistance in the Union is in our power. It might be effectual, and if in the 
lost resort, wo would be justified in tbe eyes of nations not only in separating from them, but by 
nsing force. 
[Some one said the argument was already exhausted.] 

Mr. Stephens continued: Some friend says thai the argument is already exhausted. No, my 
friend, it is not. You have never called the attention of the Legislatures of those states to this 
subject, that I am aware of. Nothing has ever been done before this year. The uttention of our 
own people has been colled to this subject lately. 

Now, then, my recommendation to you would I* this : In view of nil these questions of diffi- 
culty, let a convention of the people of (Georgia l.o called, to which they may he all referred. Let 
the sovereignty of the people speak. Some think that the election of Mr. Lincoln is cause suffi- 
cient to dissolve the Union. Some think those other grievances are sufficient to dissolve the same, 
and that tho Legislature baa the power thus to act, and ought thus to act. I have no hesitancy 
in saying that the Legislature is m>t the proper body to sever our federal relations, if that neces- 
sity should arise. An honorable and distinguished gentleman the other night (Mr. T. H.H.Cobb) 
advised you to take this course — not to wait to hear from the cross-roads and groceries. I say to 
you, you have no power so to act. Yon must refer this question to the people, and you must wait 
to hear from the men at the cross-roads and even the groceries; for the people in this country, 
whether at the cross-roads or the groceries, whether in cottages or palaces, arc all equal, and they 
ore the sovereign? in this country. Sovereignty is not in the Legislature. We, tbe people, are 
the sovereigns. I am one of them, and have a right to be heard, and so has any other citizen of 
tho state. You legislators, I speak it respectfully, are but our sen-ants. You are the servants of ■ 
tho people, and not their masters. Power resides with the people in this country. 

The great difference between our country ond all others, such as France, and England, and Ire- 
land, is, that here there is popular sovereignty, while there sovereignty is exercised hy kings and 
favored classes. This principle of popular sovereignty, however much derided lately, is the founda- 
tion of our institutions. Constitutions are but the channels tlimugh which the popular will may 
be expressed. Our Constitution came from the people. They mode it, and they alone can right- 
fully unmake it. 
Mr. Toombs. I am afraid of conventions. 

Mr. Stephens. I nm not afraid of any convention legally chosen by the people. I know no way 
to decide great questions nil- cling fundamental laws except by representatives of the people. The 
Constitution of the United States was made by the representatives of the people. The Constitu- 
tion of the State of Georgia was made by representative* of the people chosen at the ballot-box. 
But do not let the question which comes before the people be put to them in the language of my 
honorable friend who addressed yon last night. Will you submit to abolition rule or resist? 
Mr. Toombs. I do not wish the people to be cheated. 

Mr. Stephens. Now, my friends, how are we going to cheat the people by calling on them to 
elect delegates to a convention to decide all these questions without any dictation or direction? 
Who proposes to cheat the people by letting them speak their own untramtneled views in the 
choice of their ablest and best men, to determine upon all these matters, involving their peace ? 

I think the proposition of my honorable friend had a considerable smack of unfairness, not to 
say cheat. He wished to have no convention, but for the Legislature to submit their vote to the 
people— submission to abolition rule or resistance? Now, who in Georgia would vote "submis- 
sion to abolition rule?" (Laughter.) 

Is putting such a question to the people to vote on n fair way of getting an expression of the 
popular will on all these questions ? I think not. Now, who in Georgia, is going to submit to 
abolition ralo? 
Mr. Toombs. Tho Convention will. 

Mr. Stephens. No, my friend, Georgia will never do it. The Convention will never secede from 
the Georgia Platform. Under that there can bo no abolition rule in the general government. I 
am not afraid to trust the people in convention upon this and alt questions. Besides, the Legis- 
lature wore not elected for such a purpose. They came here to do their duty as legislators. They 
have sworn to support the Constitution of the United States. They did not come here to disrupt 
this government. I am, therefore, for submitting all these questions to a convention of the people. 
Submit the question to the people whether they would submit to nboliiion rule or resist, and then 
let the Legislature act upon that vote? Such a course would be an insult to the people. They 
would have to cat their platform, ignore their past history, blot out their records, and Like steps 
backward, if they should do this. I have never eaten my "record or words, and never will. 

But how will it be under this urrungomeut if they should vote to resist, und the Legislature 
should reassemble with this vote as their instruction? Con any man tell what sort of resistanca 
will be meant? One man would say secede ; another pass retaliatory measures; these are meas- 
ures of resistance against wrong— legitimate and right— and there would bo as many different 
ideas as there arc members on this floor. Resistance don't mean secession— that, in no proper 
sense of the term, is resistance. Believing that the times require action, I am for presenting the 
question fairly to the people; for calling together an untrnmmcled convention, and presenting all 
the questions to them whether they will go out of the Union, or what course of resistance in the 
Union they may think best, and then let the Legislature act when the people in their majesty are 
henrd ; and 1 tell you now, whatever that convention does. 1 hope and trust our people will abide 
by. I advise the calling ••( a convention with the earnest desire to preserve tho peace and har- 
mony of the state. I should di-likc, nl-ivc all things, to see violent measures adopted, or a dispo- 
sition to lake the sword in hand, by individuals, without the authority of law. 

Hy honorable friend said lust night, •' I a?k vou to give mo the sword j for, if you do not give 
it to me, as God lives, I will mko it myself." 

Mr. Toombs. I will. (Applause on the other side.) 

Mr. Str/ihens. 1 have no doubt that my honorable friend feels as ho says. It is only his excess- 
ive ardor that makes him use such an expression ; but this will pais off with the excitement of the 



floor as chairman, and elected by acclamation, to the utter astonishment of 
the John Brown people. Resolutions were adopted strongly denouncing 
John Brown, his aiders, abettors, and admirers, and the meeting adjourned. 
The defeated party attempted forcible resistance, but they were ejected by 
the police and the house was closed — proceedings somewhat irregular, it 
must be confessed, but under the circumstances not quite unjustifiable. 
They gathered together again in the evening in the Negro Baptist Church, 
and were protected by the police during their meeting against a large con- 
course of exasperated citizens who surrounded the building. 

On tbe 3d of December Congress assembled at Washington. The attend- 
ance of members was unusually large in both houses. In the lower the 
representatives of South Carolina appeared in their places ; but in the Sen- 
ate-chamber stood two empty chairs, silent witnesses of her refusal to be 
any longer numbered as one of the states of the Union. On the 4th of De- 
cember President Buchanan sent his message to Congress. Never was an 
important state paper more eagerly looked for; never did one more entirely 
disappoint all expectations. The President attributed the attitude of the 



hour. When the people in their majesty shall speak, I have no doubt that he will bow lo their 
will, whatever it may be, upon tha " sober second thought." (Applause.) 

Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union, 1 spciik for one. ihough my views might not 
agree with them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause 
is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny ; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. 
The greatest curse that can befall a free people is civil war. 

But, os I suid, let us call a convention of the people; let nil ihesc maticrs be submitted lo it; 
and when the will of a majority of the people has thus been expressed, the whole stale will pre- 
sent one unanimous voice in favor of whatever may be demanded ; for I believe in the power of 
the people to govern themselves when wisdom prevails and passion is silent. 

Look nt what has already been done by them for their advancement in all that ennobles mnn. 
There is nothing like it in the history of tho world. Look abroad from one extent of the country 
to the other; contemplate our greatness. We arc now among the first nations of the earth, 
Shall it be said, then, that our institutions, founded upon principles of self-govcrumeiil, nre a 
failure? 

Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gentleman, Mr. Cobb, the other 
night, suid it had proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look at our cxpiinso in 
national power. Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great. A failure? 
Why, we arc tbe admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. 

Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; thnt is true, and from that comes a 
great purl of our troubles. (Prolonged applause.) 

No, there is no failure of this government yet. We have made great advancement under the' 
Constitution, and I can not but hope that wc shall advance higher still. Let us ho true to our 

Now, when this convention assembles, if it shall be called, as I hope it may, I would sny, in my 
judgment, without dictation, for I am conferring with you freely and frankly, and it is thus that 
I give my views, I should take into consideration all those questions which distract the public mind; 
should view all the grounds of secession so far os the election of Mr, Lincoln is concerned, and I 
have no doubt they would say that the constitutional election of no man is a sufficient cause to 
breuk up the Union, but lhat the state should wait until he ut least docs some unconstitutional net, 
Mr. Toombs. Commit some overt act. 

Mr. Stephens. No, I did not soy that. The word overt is a sort of technical term connected 
with treason, which has come to us from the mother country, und it means nn open act of rebel- 
lion, I do not see how Mr. Lincoln can do this unless he should levy war upon us. I do not, 
therefore, use the word overt. I do not intend to wail for that. But I use the word unconstitu- 
tional act, which our people understand much better, and which expresses just what I mean. But 
as long as be conforms to the Constitution he should 1* left to exercise the duties of his office. 

In giving this advice 1 am hut sustaining the Constitution of my country, and I do not there- 
by become a Lincoln aid man cither (nppluusc), but a Constitutional aid man. But this matter 
the Convention can determine. 

As to the other matter, I think we have a right to pass retaliatory measures, provided thoy be 
in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, and I think they can be made such. 
But whether it would be wise for this Legislature to do this now is the question. To the Conven- 
tion, in my judgment, this matter ought to be referred. Before wc commit reprisals on New Eng- 
land, we should exhaust every means of bringing about n peaceful solution of the question. 

Thus did General Jackson in tho cose of the French. He did not recommend reprisals until 
he had treated with Franco, and got her to promise to make indemnilicaiion, and it was only on 
her refusal to pay the money which she had promised that he recommended reprisals. It was aft- 
er negotiation had failed. I do think, therefore, that it would be best, before going to extreme 
measures with our confederate states, to make presentation of oni demands, to appeal to their rea- 
son and judgment to give us our rights. Then, if reason should not triumph, it will he lime 
enough to commit reprisals, and we should be justified in the eyes of a civilised world. At leas", 
let the states know what your grievances are, and if they refuse, as I said, to give- us our rights 
under the Constitution of our country, I should he willing, as a last resort, to sever the tics of this 
Union. (Applause.) 

My own opinion is, that if this course bo pursued, and they arc informed of the consequences of 
refusal, these states will secede; hut if they should not, then let the consequences bo with them, 
and let the responsibility of the consequences rest upon them. Another thing I would have that 
convention to do — reaffirm the Georgia Platform, with an additional plank in it. Let lhat plank 
bo the fulfillment of the obligntion on the part of those states to repeal these obnoxious laws us a 
condition of our remaining in the Union. Give them timo to consider it, and I would ask all 
states south to do the same thing. 

I am for exhausting all that patriotism can demand before taking the last step. I would in- 
vito, therefore, South Carolina to a conference. I would ask the same of all the other Southern 
states, so that if the evil has got beyond our control, which God, in his mercy, grant may not be 
the case, let us not be divided among ourselves — (cheers) — but, if possible, secure the united co- 
operation of all the Southern states ; and then, in the face of the civilized world, we may justify 
our action ; and, with the wrong all on the other side, wc can appeal to the God of battles to aid 
us in our cause. (Loud applause.) But lot us not do any thing in which any portion of our peo- 
ple may charge us with rash or hasty action. It is certainly n matter, of great importance to tear 
this government asunder. You were not sent here for that purpose. I would wish the whole 
South to be united if this is to be done; and I believe, if wc pursue the policy which I have indi- 
cated, this can be effected. 

In this way our sister Southern states can be induced to act with us, and I have but little doubt 
that the states of Now York, and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the other Western states, will com- 
pel their Legislatures to recede from their hostile altitudes, if the others do not. Then, with 
these, we would go on without New England, if she chose to slay out. 
A voice in the aisembfa. We will kick them out. 

Mr. Sttphtnt. I would not kick them out ; but if they chose to stay out they might. I think, 
moreover, thut these Northern states, being principally engaged in manufacture*, would find lhat 
they had us much interest in tho Union under the Constitution us wc, und lhat they would rclum 
to their constitutional duty ; this would be my hope. If they should not, and if the Middle states 
and Western stutes do not join us, wo should at least have an undivided South. I am, as you 
clearly perceive, for maintaining the Union as it is, if possible. I will exhaust every means thus 
to maintain it with an equalitv in it. Mv principles nre those : 

First, tho mointenance of the honor, the rights, the equolitv, the security, and the glory of my 
native slate in the Union; but if these con not be maintained in the Union, then I am for their 
maintenance, nt all hazards, out of it. Next to the honor and glory of Georgia, the land of my 
birth, I hold the honor and glory of our common country. In Savannah I was made to sny by 
the reporters, who very often make mo say things which I never did, that I was first for the glory 
of the whole country, and next for that of Georgia. 

I said the exact reverse or this. I am proud of her history, of her present standing. I am 
proud even of her motto, which I would hove duly respected at the present time by all her sons — 
Wisdom, Justice, and Moderation. I would have her rights and thai "f the Southern slates main- 
tained now upon these principles. Her position now is just what it was in 18-iO wilh respect to 
the Southern stales. Her platform, (hen, has been adopted hy most, if not all the other Southern 
states. Now I would add hut one additional plank to lhat platform, which I have stated, and onu 
which time has shown to be necessary. 

If all this fails, we shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing that we have done our duty, 
and all Ibal patriotism could require. 

Mr. Stephens continued for some time on other mu'tcrs, which ore omitted, and then took hia 
seat amid great applause 



HAEPEli'S PICTORIAI 




INTRODUCTION. 



[1860. 



slave states to the fear of servile insurrections ; when the planters, on the 
contrary, said, and, as it proved, with reason, they had no fears whatever on 
this score. He placed the responsibility for the disturbed state of the coun- 
try entirely upon the shoulders of the anti-slavery party in the free states, 
utterly ignoring the aggressions of the slavery propagandists and the radical 
difference between the principles of the slaveholding founders of the repub- 
lic and those of which John C. Calhoun was the great exponent; he declared 
that, in his opinion, unless the personal liberty laws of some of the free states 
were repealed the Union could not be preserved ; but he passed no censure 
upon the studiously harsh and insulting provisions of the fugitive slave law 
which provoked their passage, but, on the contrary, he recommended the 
incorporation of that law into the Constitution ; he denied the right of a 
state to break up the government merely of its own motion, and he admit- 
ted that he was bound to execute the laws of the United States throughout 
all the territory of the United States; but he added that neither the Presi- 
dent nor Congress had the power to coerce a state, thus passing by the vital 
point that, according to the Constitution, the executive officers of the United 
States had to do, not with states, but with individual citizens of the United 
States. The message, in fact, said to the country, " First, in this quarrel the 
free states are all wrong and the slave states all right; next, no state has a 
right to secede; but, finally, if any state choose to do so, no one has any 
right to stop her." The effect of this pitiably shuffling manifesto was to en- 
courage the scceders, to irritate the Republicans, and to dishearten the pub- 
lic at large. With the message came another document which deepened the 
despondency now fallen upon the country. The report of the Secretary of 
the Treasury showed the public coffers empty, large and pressing liabilities 
to be met, the national credit failing, and the revenue rapidly diminishing. 
All this in the face of a real wealth and prosperity during the previous year, 
indicated by an export trade of $400,000,000, an import of $362,000,000, 
and the more than sufficiency of the customs duties, $60,000,000, for the 
ordinary expenses of government. For the change the political condition 
of the country was entirely answerable. Wealth was vanishing, prosperity 
was at an end, for national dissolution seemed impending. The events of 
one month had cast over the future an impenetrable gloom. 

The nation fell into a pitiable condition of uncertain opinion and vacil- 
lating action. A similar crisis in the affairs of a country dependent for 
the direction of affairs upon one central government would have brought 
on the inevitable alternative of anarchy or despotism. But this nation 
was saved by the complete sufficiency of its local governments, sustained as 
these were by the intelligence and the integrity of the mass of the people, 
whom they directly represented. Within the limits of each state, the rela- 
tions between man and man, and between the individual and society, were 
undisturbed. 

On the 10th of December the House of Eepresentatives appointed a com- 
mittee of thirty-three, one from each commonwealth, on the State of the 
Union. What was the state of the Union thus far we have already seen ; 
and a mere recital of the principal events of the few days which intervened 
between the appointment of this committee and the nominal severance of 
the Union will give a better idea than can be conveyed by any other means 
of the confusion which prevailed in political affairs and the distracted condi- 
tion of the public mind. A report had been circulated at the South that the 
Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd, had said that he would employ the United 
States troops to resist any attempt to seize the United States forts in the 
slave states. This rumor that he would perform his sworn duty he hasten- 
ed to deny by telegraph, on the very day of the appointment of the commit- 
tee on the State of the Union. At this time it was suggested among some 
of the corrupter politicians of the city of New York, that that city, with 
Brooklyn, Long Island, and Staten Island, should secede from the state, and 
form themselves into an independent commonwealth. But as Brooklyn was 
jealous of New York, and deemed that the two places had conflicting inter- 
ests, it was feared that, if secession once began, Brooklyn might secede from 
New York; the inconvenience of which, as most of the inhabitants of the 
former were engaged in business in the latter, was so apparent, that the sug- 
gestion, after a little newspaper ventilation, vanished into silence. The ex- 
citement in Charleston rose apace, and, on the 8th of December, a guard was 
placed over the United States Arsenal at Charleston to prevent the transfer 
of supplies of ammunition to Fort Moultrie, the United States military post 
in that harbor, which was about four miles from the city. On the 10th, the 
Secretary of the Treasury,Mr. Cobb, resigned his portfolio, giving as his rea- 
sons that the honor and safety of his state, Georgia, were involved in the 
consequences of the presidential election; that his duty to her was para- 
mount; and that his views made it improper for him to remain any longer 
a member of the cabinet: decorous scruples, the mere assumption of which 
was not common among those who, having like responsibilities, had like de- 
signs. On the 12th, Senator Wigfall, of Texas, a man whose extravagance 
and bombast made him laughed at, and whom we shall meet again under 
circumstances both rueful and ludicrous, made a set speech in the Senate- 
chamber, in which he announced that the Union would be dissolved ; that 
"the eight cotton states" would secede; that they would be followed by 
Virginia, Tennessee, Maryland, and Kentucky; and that then Washington 
would be the seat of government of the new confederation. He also de- 
clared that he owed allegiance, not to the United States, but to bis own state ; 
a declaration afterward repeated in the same body by Senator Mason, of Vir- 
ginia, with regard to his relations to his. own. state. On the loth it was an- 
nounced that General Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, had resigned, because 
ol the President's determination not to re-enforce Fort Moultrie, and of his 
consequent conviction that the republic was approaching its dissolution. 
General Cass was one of the oldest and most experienced among the promi- 



nent politicians of the past generation who kept the field, and he had thus 
far been a strong supporter of what was called "the Southern Rights Party." 
The resignation of such a man, for such a cause, however honorable to him- 




self, was a most depressing occurrence. It made that painfully clear con- 
cerning which before there had been little doubt, that the President was 
about to shrink meanly from the responsibility of his office upon a great oc- 
casion. Preparations now were heard of from Louisiana to bring about the 
secession of that state. At the North efforts at conciliation began to be made, 
and a repeal of the Personal Liberty bills was freely talked of. On the 15th 
a private meeting was held of the most influential bankers, merchants, man- 
ufacturers, lawyers, and other professional men of conservative politics, for 
the purpose of appointing a committee of conference to urge delay upon the 
states about to secede, and to give assurances that any reasonable conces- 
sions for the sake of the preservation of the Union would be made. Such a 
position, taken by such men, seems, as we look back upon it, almost abject; 
but, in the excitement and under the feverous apprehension of the time, it 
appeared to most men the mere putting forth of a brotherly hand of depre- 
cation. It failed utterly. An announcement that a committee of conference 
would shortly visit Charleston, met with a rebuff, in which cold-blooded ar- 
rogance was thinly concealed beneath the forms of courtesy. Judge Ma- 
grath, who spoke for his state, wrote, that nothing could swerve South Car- 
olina from the course she had resolved on; adding, "The presence of any 
persons among us, however respectable, charged with the task of urging 
upon us a change of purpose, would be unprofitable and unpleasant" On 
the 17th, the South Carolina Convention assembled at Columbia, but, in con- 
sequence of the epidemic prevalence of the small-pox there, it adjourned the 
next day to Charleston, where it became immediately apparent that its mem- 
bers were bent upon ringleading the disunion movement. Throughout the 
state military drill was constantly kept up by all men capable of bearing 
arms. On the 18th, a bill for arming the State of North Carolina passed the 
Senate by a vote of forty -one to three. On the other hand, the repeal of the 
Massachusetts Personal Liberty Law was urged upon the state in an earnest 
manifesto, signed by numbers of its most respected citizens, headed by ex- 
Chief-justice Shaw, Judge Curtis, of the United States Supreme Court, and 
four ex-governors. On the 18th, Senator Crittenden, of Kentucky, one of 
the oldest, ablest, and most esteemed of the slaveholding members of Con- 
gress, brought forward a series of resolutions in that body which he and 
many others hoped would be adopted by both parties as a final settlement 
of the controversy. These resolutions, which were known as the Critten- 
den Compromise, after a preamble which stated their object to be that the 
sectional differences then distracting the country might be permanently qui- 
eted and settled by constitutional provisions, proposed certain amendments 
to the Constitution. These prohibited slavery north of the line of 36° 30' 
north latitude, and admitted it south of that line; they deprived Congress 
of the power either to abolish slavery in places under its jurisdiction in slave 
states, and (except under certain specified conditions) in the District of Co- 
lumbia, or to interdict the transportation of slaves from one slave state to 
another ; they provided that, in case of resistance to the Fugitive Slave Law, 
and the rescue of a slave, the United States should pay the owner the value 
of the slave, and have a claim upon the county in which the rescue took 
place, which, in its turn, should recover from individuals. These articles, and 
others upon the same subject in' the Constitution, were to be declared unal- 
terable. Mr. Crittenden's compromise was not received with favor by the 
extreme members of the party whose prospective advent to power had oc- 
casioned its proposal. But, on the 19th, the General Assembly of Virginia 
passed resolutions inviting the various states to send commissioners to Wash- 
ington to adjust the sectional differences of the nation, and recommending 
the Crittenden Compromise as the basis of action. This assembly, thus call- 
ed together, obtained the name of "The Peace Congress." But this effort 
toward the preservation of the Union met with a sudden and severe rebuff; 
for, on the very next day, the South Carolina Convention formally passed an 



I860.] 



INTRODUCTION. 



29 



ordinance of secession by a unanimous vote. 8 That 20th of December, 
1860, was a sad day in the annals of America and of the world— a day full 
of woes and bitter memories— a day on which disappointed politicians, the 
representatives of an arrogant and selfish oligarchy, essayed the destruction 
of the most beneficent government ever establisbed, and vainly strove to 
stem the tide of human progress, which was about to sweep their petty per- 
sonal interests and parish politics into oblivion. Bat the event itself pro- 
duced at the moment a comparatively slight impression. Some guns were 
fired and some meetings held in a few towns in the country lying on the 
Gulf of Mexico; but in the slave states north of Charleston, the taking of the 
final plunge by South Carolina created no more excitement than many of 
the minor incidents which had previously occurred in the sad tragedy then 
beginning to be acted. One reason of tbe apparent apathy with which this 
secession was regarded was, because it was South Carolina, factious, queru- 
lous, headstrong, and loud-mouthed, which had passed with words a verbal 
Rubicon; another was, that, after what the political leaders of the state had 
said and done, the passage of an ordinance of secession was inevitable, unless 
they wished to stand confessed the merest braggarts and boasters. But the 
chief cause was, that tbe country had been stunned by the suddenness with 
which its national politics bad fallen into disorder, and its national govern- 
ment had been brought to a dead lock without violence or even the threat 
of violence from any quarter. Its capacity for excitement seemed to be ex- 
hausted ; and when that came which had been apprehended from the first, it 
was taken as a thing of course. South Carolina, however, did not treat tbe 
matter as one of course, but exhibited to the full that sense of the import- 
ance of her own acts which had always made her tbe subject of remark 
among her sister states, especially by those who were as much her superiors 
in power, and wealth, and general culture, as they were her inferiors in pre- 



' SECESSION ORDINANCE OP SOUT1I CAROLINA. 

An Ordinance to Dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united 
wit/i her under the compart entitled the Constitution of the United Stat.:* of America. 
We, llic ]«0|i]<! of the Stale of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, do declare and ordain, 
nnd it is hereby declared nnd ordained, that the ordinance- adopted by it* in Convention, on the 
and day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of 
America was ratified, and also nil acts and parts of arts of the General Assembly of this state 
ratifying the amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, nnd thnt the union now- 
subsisting between South Carolina and other states under the name of the United Stales of Amer- 
ica is hereby dissolved. 

> South Carolina's Declaration of Causes. 

The people of the State of South Carolina in Convention assembled, on the 2d day of April, 
A.D. 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Consiitution of the United States by the 
federal government, and its encroachments upon the reserved rights of the states, fully justified 
this state in their withdrawal from the federal Union ; but, in deference to the opinions and wish- 
es of the other b lave holding states, she forbore at thnt time to exercise this right. Since that 
time Ihese encroachment- hue . ontinued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be n virtue. 
And now the State of South Carolina, having resumed lier separate and ciual place among na- 
tions, deems it due to In r~ If. (■> lie- remaining United Stales of America, nnd to the nations of 
the world, that she should ill >!are the immediate causes which have led to this act. 

In the year 1766, that portion of the British Empire embracing Great Britain undertook to 
make laws for the government of that portion composed of the thirteen American colonies. A 
struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 177G, in a 
declaration, by the colonies, " that they are, and of right ought to be, frfe and independent 
states; nnd that, ns free and independent stntcs, they have full power to levy war, conclude 
ponce, contract alliances, ottnblish commerce, nnd to do nil other am nnd things which independ- 
ent stales may of right do." 

They farther solemnly declared that whenever nny "form of government becomes destructive 
of the ends for which it mils established, it is the right of the people to niter or abolish it, and to 
institute a new government." Deeming the government of Great Britain to have become de- 
structive of these ends, thi-y declared that the colonies " are absolved from all nlleginnco to the 
British crown, nnd thnt all politico] connection between them nnd the state of Great Britain is, 
nnd ought to be, totally dissolved." 

In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen stntcs proceeded to ex- 
orcise its separate sovereignty ; adopted for itself a Constitution, and appointed officers for the ad- 
ministration of government in all its departments — legislative, executive, and judicial. For 
purposes of defense they united their arms and their counsels; and in 1778 they entered into a 
league known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to intrust the administration 
of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, ex- 
pressly declaring, in the first article, "that each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and inde- 
pendence, and even- power, jurisdiction, and right which is not, by this Confederation, expressly 
delegated to the United States in < 'ungress assembled." 

Under this confederation the War of the Revolution was carried on ; and on the 3d of Sep- 
tember, 1783, tho contest ended, and a delinite treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she 
acknowledged the inJeprudcncc nf the colonics in the following terms: 

"Article 1. His Britannic majesty acknowledges the said United Slates, viz.: New Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts I!av. Rhode [-.land and Providence Plantation';, Connecticut, New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Geor- 
gia, to be FREE, sovereign, AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; that he treats with them as such ; and, 
for himself, his heirs nnd successors, relinquishes all claims to the government, propriety, and ter- 
ritorial rights of the same, and every part thereof." 

Thus were established the two great principles asserted by the colonics, namely, the right of a 
slate to govern itself, and the right of a people lo abolish a government when it becomes destruct- 
ive of tho ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with tho establishment of these prin- 
ciples was the fact that each colony became and was recognized by the mother country ns n fkkk, 
SOveltF-iriN, AND INDEPENDENT STATE. 

In 1787, deputies were appointed by the stntcs to revise iho Arlicles of Confedcrntion ; and on 
the 17th of September, 1 787, these deputies recommended, for the adoption of the states, the Arti- 
cles of Union known as the Constitution of the United Stales. 

Tho parties to whom this Constitution iru submitted were the severnl sovereign states ; they 
were to agree or disagree ; and when nine of them agreed, the compact was to take effect among 
those concurring; and the general government, us tho common agent, was then to be invested 
with iheir authority. 

If only nine of the thirteen states had concurred, ihc other four would have remained as they 
then were — separate sovereign states, independent nf any of the provisions of tho Constitution. 
In fact, two of tho states did not accede to the Consiitution until long after it had gone into oper- 
ation among tho other eleven, and during that interval they each exercised the functions of an 
independent nation. 

By this Constitution certain duties were imposed upon the several states, and the exercise of 
certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily impelled their continued existence as 
sovereign states. But, lo remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the 
powers not delegated to tho United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, 
oro reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. On the 23d of May, 1 78S, South Carolina, 
by a Convention of her people, passed an ordinance assenting to this Constitution, nnd afterward 
altered her own Constitution lo conform herself to the obligations she had uadertnkcn. 

Thus was established, by compact between the states, a government with defined objects nnd 
powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining moss 
of power subject to the clause reserving it to the stntes or the people, and rendered unnecessary 
nny specification of reserved rights. We hold that the government thus established is subject lo 
tho two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence ; and we hold farther, that 
tho mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely, ihc law of com- 
pact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties the obligation is mutual; 
that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement en- 
tirely releases tho obligation of iho other ; and that, where no arbiter is provided, each party is 
remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with oil its consequences-. 



tension. Immediately upon the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, a dec- 
laration of the causes which led to it was issued to the world;' an oath of 
supreme allegiance to the state was prescribed for all officials, the first form 
of which having contained the words " exercise my office," these were alter- 
ed, after grave consideration and debate, to "exercise my high office;" and 
commissioners were appointed to proceed to Washington to treat with the 
United States. Immediately, too — most characteristic fact — the newspapers 
of Charleston headed their letters and tbe extracts from journals which they 
received from the other parts of the country, "Foreign News," bringing de- 
rision upon themselves far and near by this childishness. On the 24th the 
South Carolina delegates withdrew from the House of Eepresentatives, not 
resigning, but sending a letter to the Speaker, in which they informed the 
House that their state had dissolved their connection with the House; and, 
putting their destructive and debasing doctrine in its most offensive form, 
spoke of their fellow-members as those with whom they had been "associ- 
ated in a common agency.'' 8 Thus far bad South Carolina politicians been 
led to pervert the truth to gain their little ends. Thus did the state which 
was the first, as we have seen, to propose the formation of a national govern- 
ment, and whose leading man in the convention which framed the govern- 
ment solemnly pronounced tbe doctrine that each state was separately and 
individually independent a "political heresy," did not hesitate to declare 
before the world that George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander 
Hamilton, and their peers had thought and toiled, not to bring about a real 
union of the people of the country into one nation, but only to make a bar- 
gain or contract between different corporations, in which, for certain consid- 
erations, and upon certain conditions, those corporations agreed to submit tti 
a general administration of affairs for certain distinctly specified purposes of 



In the present case that fact is established with certainty. Wo assert that fourteen of the state, 
have deliberately refused for years past to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer k 
their own statutes for the proof. 

The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth article, provides as follows: 

"No person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due," 

This stipulation was so material to the compact that without it that compact would not have 
been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they hnd previously 
evinced their estimate of tho value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the ordinance 
for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, winch obligation'., and the laws of ihe gen- 
eral government, have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The states of Maine, New 
Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illi- 
nois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, nnd Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of 
Congress, or render useless nny uttempt to execute them. In many of these states tho fugitive is 
discharged from the service of labor claimed, and in none of them has the state governmcnl com- 
plied with tho stipulation made in tho Constitution. The State of New Jersey at an early day 
passed n law in conformity with her constitutional obligation; bat the current of anti-stavcry 
feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoporatira the remedies provided bjt 
her own laws and by the laws of Congress. In the Slate of Now York even iho right of transit 
for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; nnd the stntes of Ohio andlown have refused to 
surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the 
Stale of Virginia. Thus the constitutional compact has been deliberately broken and disregard- 
ed by the non-slaveholdmg states, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released 
from her obligation. 

The ends for which this Confiituiir.n "ns framed are declared by itn-lf to be "to form a more 
perfect union, to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, 
promote the general welfare, ami secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." 

These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a federal government, in which each state was rec- 
ognized as an equal, and hnd separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in 
slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights ; by giving them the right 
to represent, aad hurdening them with direct taxes for three fifths of their slaves; by authorizing 
the importation of slaves for twenty years ; and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from 

We affirm that theso ends for which this government was instituted have been defeated, and tho 
government itself has been destructive of them by the action of the non-sl aveholding states. Thoio 
states have assumed the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions, and havo 
denied tho rigliti of property established in fifteen of the stales and recognized by the Constilu- 
lion ; thoy have denounced OS sinful the institution of slavery ; they have permitted the open es- 
tablishment among them of societies whose avowed object is to disturb the pence of and cloin tho 
property of the citizens of other stales. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our 
slaves to leave their homes ; and those who remain have been incited by emissaries, books, and 
pictores to servile insurrection. 

For twentv-five veurs this agitation has been -faddy increasing, until it has now secured to its 
aid the power of the common government. Observing tbe forms of the Constitution, a sectional 
party has found within that article establishing the Executive Department the means of subvert- 
ing "the Constitution itself. A geographical line bus been drawn across the Union, and nil ihe 
states north of that line have united in ihe election of a man to the high office of President of iho 
United States whose opinions and purposes ar« hostile to slavery. He is lo be intrusted with Iho 
administration of the common government because he has declared that that "government 
not endure permanently half slave, half free," and ihat tho public mind must re 
slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. 

This sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution has boon 
states hy elevating to citizenship person-, who, by the supremo law of the land, are mcapable of be- 
coming citizens ; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, 
and destructive of its peace and safety. 

On the -1th of March next this party will take possession of the government. It has announced 
that iho South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunal shall b« 
made sectional, nnd that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout tho 
United Stales. . . ., , ... 

The guarantees of the Constitution will then no longer exist, the equal nghts of the states will 
be lost. The ilaveholding states will no longer have the power of self-government or sclf-prolec- 
tion, and the federal government will have become their enemy. 

Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation; and all hope of remedy is rendered 
vain by the fact that the public opinion at the North has invesled a great political error with tho 
sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief. _ 

We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, bv our delegates in Convention assembled, appeal. 
ing to the Supreme Judge of the world for ihe rcclitode of our intentions, have solemnly declared 
that tho union heretofore existing between this state and the other slates of North America II 
dissolved, and that the State of Sooth Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of tho 
world as a separate and independent stale, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract al. 
lianccs, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of 
right do. 

■ Letter of South Carolina Members of the House of Representatives. 

Sir,— Wc avail onrsolves of tho earliest opportunity since the official communication of the In- 
telligence, of making known to your honorable body that the people of the State of South Caro- 
lina, in their sovereign capacity, have resumed the powers heretofore delegated by them to the 
federal government of the United States, and have thereby dissolved our connection with tho Honso 
of Representatives. In taking leave of those with whom we have been associated'" ■ 
agency, we, as well as the people of our commonwealth, desire to do so will 
regard and respect for each other, cherishing the hope that in our future rel: 
enjoy that peace and harmony essential to tho happiness of a free and enlightened peopl 



the belief that 
ded in some of the 



common 
feeling of mutual 
better 



Jons M'QtTKEK, 
M. L. Bosiiak, 
W. W. Botcc 
J. D. Abumobe, 



3C 



INTRODUCTION. 



[1860. 



mere material interest — "a common agency," in fact, which was to be re- 
garded only as the result of a bargain, and be administered as a bargain, 
with this difference, that any party to it might withdraw from it at pleasure, 
without liability to restraint or punishment. They proclaimed that the na- 
tional flag had been only a shop-sign, and the American eagle a mere trade- 
mark ; the sign and the mark, too, of a firm which was unworthy of credit, 
because any member of it might abscond whenever he pleased, and take 
with him whatever of the assets he could lay his hands upoo. Having with- 
drawn from this "common agency," and set up on her own account as a na- 
tion, South Carolina set about preparations to establish foreign relations and 
create a navy. These, however, did not go very far; for, although it seems 
as if the self-assertion of this little commonwealth would have led her so far 
as to assume at once all the style of an independent nation, it began to be 
but too plain that she would not long be left alone. 

At tins very time the people of the free states were shocked by the an- 
nouncement of the intended immediate removal of seventy-eight guns of the 
largest calibre (10-inch columbiads) from tbe Alleghany Arsenal, opposite 
Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania, to Newport, near Galveston Island, Texas, and 
to Ship Island, in the Gulf of Mexico. At those places there were fortifica- 
tions which had never yet been mounted; and the placing of these guns in 
them at this time, when they were not, and could not be garrisoned, seemed 
plainly to indicate a purpose that both the guns and tbe forts should fall into 
the hands of the men who were rapidly driving the whole South into open 
revolt. The officer in command at the arsenal and he who was to superin- 
tend the transportation of the guns were from slave states. There was an 
instant determination manifested in Pittsburg and the country round that 
tbe guns should not be removed; and the exhibition of feeling was so strong 
and so wide-spread that the order for their removal was countermanded. 

This incident was a fair exponent of the course of the administration and 
the condition of the country. The former was vacillating and faithless, the 
latter distracted and torn by faction. Mr. Buchanan's weak policy encour- 
aged the seceding faction without satisfying them, while it exasperated and 
humiliated all who were faithful to the republic. The seceders of South 
Carolina came to believe, or at least to the bold declaration of a belief, that 
there would be no attempt to defend tbe government by force of arms 
against destruction. Coercion of "a sovereign body" was pronounced ab- 
surd on general principles, and in the present case impossible; and, at the 
same time, the right of any state to break up the Union for any reason, or 
without any reason, and at any time, was asserted in another dogma, that 
"sovereign" parties to a contract are themselves the only judges whether the 
contract is violated and they absolved from it; a declaration which set ut- 
terly at naught the prescribed authority of the Supreme Court to decide 
upon the constitutionality of any state or national law, and which thus 
showed the radically destructive purposes of those who avowed it. The 
seceders also looked to the accomplishment of their purposes with impunity, 
by reason of the support, or at least the protection, of a powerful part}' — 
the well-disciplined rank and file of the pure Democratic party — in the free 
states. And these expectations were not entirely without reason. Many 
men still looked upon secession as a mere political movement, the last, most 
desperate effort of the slavery propaganda to retain its control of the nation- 
al government, the culmination of the great game of bluff and brag which 
that party had so successfully played for so many years. This, indeed, was 
doubtless the original purpose of the greater number of those who took part 
in the secession movement. Indeed, they openly avowed among themselves 
that they proposed to secede, not for the purpose of destroying the Union, 
but to force the free states to amend tbe Constitution in favor of slavery. 9 
Seeing this, and seeing, too, that without the Southern states the Democratic 
party would practically cease to exist, there were quasi-assurances held out 
privately, and even publicly in newspapers, by those who were hlindly or 
corruptly committed to the fortunes of that party, that all in the free states 
who voted for other candidates than Mr. Lincoln (a large proportion, as we 
have seen) would support the slave states in a contest with the national gov- 
ernment. On the other band, the Abolitionists rejoiced at the prospective 
destruction of the government and extinction of the republic, which they 
had openly labored for fifteen years to bring about; 10 and the leading organ 
of the advanced section of the Republican party — the New York Tribune — 
admitted in terms the absolute right of secession claimed by the insurgents. 1 
And, finally, the Southern leaders believed, or professed to their followers 
to believe, that any attempt of tbe government to maintain its authority 
would be followed by such an utter derangement of trade, manufactures, 



it by Mississippi to Man-land, and whom Governor Hicks, of (he latter 
stale, declined reviving, in tlic count of an ml dress to the niiwus ofHaliiiuore, on the evening of 
December Hlh, ISijO, said: 

"Secession is not intended to break up the present Government, but to perpetuate it. We do 
not propose to go out by way of breaking up or destroying the Union as our fathers gave it to us, 
but we go out for ihe purpo-e of getting farther guarantees und security for our rights, not by a 
convention of nil the Southern state.-, nor by Congressional tricks, which have failed in times past, 
and will fail again. But our plan is for the Southern states to withdraw from the Union for 
the present, to allow amendments to the Constitution to be made guaranteeing our just rights; 
and if tho Northern slates will not make those amendments, by which these rights shrill be secured 
to us, then we must secure them the best way we can. This question of slavery must be settled 
now or never. The country has been agitated seriously by it for the past twenty or thirty years. 
It has been a festering sore upon the body politic; and many remedies having failed, we must try- 
amputation, to bring it to a healthy state. We must have amendments to the Constitution, and 
if we can not get them we must set up for ourselves." 

" "Tho ubolition enterprise was started in 1831. Until 1 84G we thought it was possible to kill 
slavery and nave, the Union. We then said, over the ruins of the American Chnrcri and the Union 

is tho only wav to freedom. From '46 to '61 wc preached that doctrine " II 

Speech at Jlfutfc Hull, Boston, July C, 1H62. 

1 " Whenever any con>iilurnh!p wr-tinn of our Union shall i\< lihcnitelv resolve to 
resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in." — if. Y. Tribune, Nov. 'J, I860 



'tadeU Phillips' i 
wc shall 



and all the public relations of life in the free states, as to bring on starva- 
tion and anarchy, and thus render the government powerless for offense, 
if not even to defend itself against tbe insurgent forces. These viows were 
in a measure justified by the deplorable condition into which, in a few 
weeks, commercial affairs at the North fell from a state of remarkable and 
soundly-based prosperity. The South owed the North a sum estimated by 
competent persons at three hundred millions of dollars; and, even suppos- 
ing that this was one third too large, tbe consequences of a refusal to pay, 
or even a temporary withholding so vast a sum, must needs be hopeless de- 
rangement and sudden ruin. The secessionists from the beginning looked 
only to success, regardless of the nature of the means they used and the con- 
sequences of their conduct to others; and this sum was in a great measure 
withheld, for the double purpose of crippling those to whom it was due, and 
using it to pay the expense of war with them. Collections of debts in slave 
states by creditors in free states became impossible in most cases, and the 
consequence was wide-spread bankruptcy and ruin at the North. The banks 
of the South had been allowed by law to suspend specie payments, and had 
availed themselves of the privilege; and consequently they had been fol- 
lowed in this respect by most of the banks at tbe North. Tbe New En- 
gland mills were either closed or running on half time ; and throughout the 
North merchants and retail dealers reduced their force of salesmen, and 
manufacturers their force of workmen, or the time for which they employed 
and paid them. Winter and want were coming rapidly upon hundreds of 
thousands of Northern people who had hitherto lived in comfort if not 
in plenty. This was sad enough, but rumor exaggerated it, and designing 
politicians and corrupt journalists magnified and multiplied tbe exaggera- 
tions of rumor. For these reasons the seceders rested in confidence that no 
attempt would be made at coercion (which was the name they gave to the 
use of the power of the government for the maintenance of the integrity of 
the republic), and that they would be able first to defy the authority of the 
national government, and then, if they chose, to usurp it. 3 But in the free 
states there was a steadily growing conviction that there would be a determ- 
ined attempt to detach all the Gulf and cotton -growing states from tbe 
Union permanently, and with this conviction another, that such a severance 
could not be accomplished, or even attempted, peaceably. Why the North 
believed thus few could have told ; but the belief pervaded the community 
as latent electricity the air. Tbe explosion seemed impending, and men be- 
gan to look the awful probability of civil war in the face. In the President 
no one placed any trust, and Congress seemed incapable to cope with the 
emergency — capable of nothing except vain babbling of compromise. Com- 
mittees on the State of tbe Union and peace conferences of all grades, public 
and private, came together and poured out a flood of talk upon each other 
and the country, and then rose and separated, no nearer union or wisdom 
than they were before. Men began to doubt, and to have reason to doubt, 
whether there were patriotism, and virtue, and vigor enough in the land to 
make even a respectable attempt to save the republic from disintegration. 
In the midst of all this trouble, a great cabinet scandal broke forth. It was 
found that $870,000 had been Fraudulently abstracted from the Indian Trust 
Fund and acceptances substituted, to which the name of the Secretary of 
War (Mr. Floyd, of Virginia) were attached, and for tbe benefit of parties 
with whom he had intimate relations. The effect of this shameful discov- 
ery — made more shameful by the fact that the custodian of the bonds, the 
Secretary of the Interior, Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, was at this very 
time in North Carolina as a commissioner from his state, working for seces- 
sion — was to sap still farther the confidence of the nation in its own integrity. 
What could be hoped of tbe people or the government when the President's 
very cabinet was thus rotten and honeycombed with corruption ? The only 
gleam of hope was in the fact that the falsehood, the treachery, and the pec- 
ulation were without exception on the part of the enemies of the republic. 
And so loyal men here and there began to take heart, and gird them 
up for conflict. 



1 Senator Tvcrson, of Georgia, speaking in his sent on the fith of December, 1KG*>, said: "Wo 
intend, Mr. President, to go out peaceably if we enn, forcibly if wc must ; but I do not believe, 
with the senator from New Hampshire (Sir. Hale), that there is going to be any war. If five or 
eight slates go out, they will necessarily draw all the other Southern Btnles after them. That is 
a consequence that nothing can prevent. If live or eight states go out of this Union, I should 
like to sec the man who would propose a declaration of war against ihem, or attempt to force 
them into obedience to the federal government nt the point of the bavonet or the sword. If one 
state alone was to go out, unsustnined by her sister states, possibly war might ensue, and there 
might be an attempt made to roercc her, and thai would give rise to civil war; but, sir, South 
Carolina is not to go out alone. In my opinion, she will be sustained by all her Southern sisters. 
They may not all go out immediately, but they will, in the end, join Booth Carolina in this im- 
portant movement ; and we shall, in the next twelve months, have a confederacy of the Southern 
states, and a government inaugurated and in successful operation, which, in my opinion, will bo 
a government of the greatest prosperity and power the world has ever 6een." 

The cool defiance whirh was thus freely given in the ludls of the national capital was support- 
ed by such declarations as the following in the leading journals of the slave states : 

"The Northern people have an enemy at their own doors who will do our work for ns, if wc 
are not insane enough in lake tin ir mvrtnidons • ffth'-ir hands. ' The winter of their discontent' 
is but beginning to dawn. They have a long, dark winter, of cold and hunger, impending over 
their beads; before it is over they will have millions of operatives without work and without 

"In all human probability, before another summer metis their ice-bound hills, blood — human 
blood — will have flowed in their streets. When cold and hunger begin their work, this deluded 
rabble will ask alms at the doors of the rich with pike and firebrand in their hands. Our 
Northern enemies will then find that they have business enough to attend to at their own doors, 
without trouhling themselves about keeping forts on Southern soil. 'They have got the wolf by 
the cars,' and they have a fair prospect of being bit, unless wc ore charitable enough 10 take the 
beast off their hands. If the North can furnish bread for its paupers for the next five months, 
well ; if not, their rulers will answer for it in blood. It was simply the want of bread that 
brought Louts XVI. to the guillotine ; and New York, as well as Paris, can furnish her Theroign 
do Mariiourt, who may sing her carmagnole up Broadway with Seward's head upon a pike. 

" Our Northern enemies are locked up with their million of operatives for the winter, and how 
they are to be kept quiet do man can tell." — Charkstott Gonna; 




FORT SUMTER. 

Major Anderson nt Fori Moultrie, — His Character. — Weakness of hi- Position. — His Instructions. 
— Ho occupies Fort Sumter. — Effect of llio Movement throughout the Country. — Authorities 
of Charleston seize tlio Arsenal, Custom-house, and Revenue Cutter. — Insulting Letter of the 
South Carolina Commissioner! to President Buchanan. — Defiant Avowal of Secession Princi- 
ples and Purposes in Congress, — The Government begins to assert itself. — Sagacity and Pa- 
triotism of Lieutenant General Scott and of General Wool. — Investment of Fort Sumter. — Un- 
derhand Attempt to supply and re-enforec it. — The " Star of the West" fire 1 upon by the Rebel 
Batteries.— Major Anderson calls Governor Pickens to Account.— The first Flag of Truce.— 
Efforts of the Insurgent Lenders. — Seizure of Forts and Arsenals throughout the Gulf States. 
— Events in the Border States.— Formal successive Secession of the Gulf States. — Audaciiy of 
the Insurgents, mild Measures of the Government, and placid Patriotism of the People. —Seizure 
of Arms on their way to Georgia, and Retaliation of the Governor of Georgia. — Resignation of 
Secretary Thompson.— South Carolina demands the Evacuation (if Fort Sumter.— Withdrawal 
of S.-nntors of the seceded States from Congress.— General Dix's spirited Action and Order. — 
Formation of the " Confederate" Provisional Government. — Adoption of n Provisional Consti- 
tution, and Election of Officers. — Jefferson Davis, his Character and Career. — Alexander II. 
Stephens.— Opposition to Secession in Slave States. — Treachery of General TViggs in Texas. 
— Jefferson Davis's Threat to expel the National Troops in Texas. — Mr. Lincoln declared 
President elect.— Plots against liis Life.— Measures taken to discover and defeat them.— Mr. 
Lincoln's sudden Appearance at Washington. — Effect upon the Public— Proposed Compro- 
mise Constitutional Amendments.— Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.— Hi3 Inaugural Address. — 



Its Effect upon the Country.— General Beauregard takes Command nt Charleston.— Numerous 
Army and Navy Officers resign their Commissions and take Service with the Insurgents. — 
State Sovereignty their alleged Joslificntion.— Pierre Totnnnt, who and what.— The "Conled- 
orate" Commissioners in Washington.— Can Fort Sumter be rccnforccd ?— Fort Pickens can.— 
The Expedition of Relief. — Batteries around Fort Sumter.— Notice: "peaceably if we can, 
forcibly if we must."— Beauregard ordered to demand an Evacuation. — Major Anderson re- 
fuses.— Bombardment and Evacuation of the Fort. 

WHILE all hearts were thus filled with anxiety and sad foreboding; 
while loyal men saw only that the great, long-dreaded calamity was 
about to fall upon the country— that the struggle for the nation's life must 
soon begin, and yet did not confess to themselves in what exact form that 
calamity must come, or conjecture where the first throes of that struggle 
would be felt; while even the men who were bent on the destruction of the 
republic, unless they could usurp the control of it in the interests of their 
class, were certain only of their purpose, uncertain as to the way in which 
they should accomplish it; while doubt and undefined dread thr.s brooded 
over the land, an almost unknown man was about to take a step in the mere 
exercise of ordinary prudence and the faithful performance of a soldier's 
duty, which decided in an hour the question whether the seceders were to 
accomplish their purpose without resistance, placed at once the relations of 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1860. 




I860.] 

the governs id those who defied it upon a war footing, and fixed the 

spot where one* party or the other must assert itself by force or be humili- 
ated before the world. Eobert Anderson, a major of artillery, was in garri- 
son at Fort Moultrie as commander of the United States military post of 
Charleston Harbor. He had graduated with honor at West Point in 1825 ; 
he had served not only with gallantry, but with distinction, in Florida, and 
afterward in the Mexican war, having been severely wounded in the attack 
on El Molino del Key ; he was the author of the text-book of the United 
States army upon artillery service; and yet, so absorbed had Americans of 
this and the last generation been in the arts and employments of peace, so 
regardless of mere military merit, except in a very few eminent cases, that 
out of the professional circle of the army and that of his own friends and 
acquaintances, Major Anderson's name was rarely heard. But, wherever 
known, it was spoken as that of a man of bravery, sagacity, determined pur- 
pose, and umblemished honor. Upon all these points Major Anderson was 
now about to be tested, with the eyes of all nations upon him and the ver- 
dict of posterity before him. A native of one slave state, and connected by 
marriage with the people of another, it was hoped on the one side that he 
might betray his trust, and feared on the other that he might at least resign 
it. But hopes and fears alike proved vain. Thoughtless of the world and 
of posterity, regardless of the ties of family and friendship, he kept a single 
eye upon present duty, sought only to absolve himself of the responsibility 
which had been laid upon him, and so won the undying honors which ever 
fall to faith and firmness shown on great occasions. 

When the secession excitement in South Carolina, and particularly in 
Charleston, had reached its height, but ten days before the State Convention 
had taken a final step, he busied himself in strengthening the defenses of 
Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter to the best of his ability with the small force 
under his command. That force, all told, consisted of nine officers, fifty-five 
men (artillerists), fifteen musicians, and thirty laborers— one hundred and 
nine men, of whom only sixty-three were combatants, one of the officers 
being an assistant surgeon. With this little band, among whom all proved 
true, he determined to defend his flag and maintain his post to the last mo- 
ment. He began to be watchful of the approaches to Fort Moultrie, which is 
about four miles from Charleston, upon Sullivan's Island, where, during a 
generation and a half of peace, a village had sprung up around it. After the 
11th of December no one was admitted within the works unless he was known 
to some officer of the garrison. Events justified this precaution ; for within 
a few days military organizations were set on foot in Charleston, the almost 
avowed object of which was the occupation of Forts Moultrie, Sumter, and 
Pinckney. On the 19th of this month Mr. Porcher Miles, in the South Caro- 
lina State Convention, said that members might allay any fears which they 
might have had on account of the forts in Charleston Harbor, because a con- 
versation with the President had convinced him that the post would not be 
re-enforced, and the garrison of Fort Moultrie was "but seventy or eighty 
men," while Sumter was an "empty fortress which they might seize and 
control in a single night." The next clay the Ordinance of Secession was 
passed; and on the 21st, as we have already seen, the Charleston newspa- 
pers, with chUdish precipitancy and petulance about trifles, announced occur- 
rences in the Northern states under the beading "foreign news." Childish 
and petulant although this was, it showed Major Anderson very clearly the 
light in which the community which was equipping and drilling troops with- 
in sir'lit of his ramparts were determined to regard him — as the officer of a 
power which they defied, and who held a military position upon their soil 
which might be made the base of operations against them. He felt the clan- 
ger and the delicacy of his position. On the 24th of December he wrote a 
private letter in which he set forth the precarious circumstances in which 
he was placed: with a garrison of only sixty effective men, in an indifferent 
work, the walls of which were only fourteen feet high, within one hundred 
yards of sand-hills which commanded the position and afforded covers for 
sharp-shooters, and with numerous houses within pistol-shot, he confessed 
that, " if attacked in force by any one but a simpleton, there is scarce a pos- 
sibility of our being able to hold out long enough for our friends to come to 
our succor." General Scott, too, saw and declared that the fort could be 
taken from Major Anderson by five hundred men in twenty-four hours. 
Meanwhile volunteer troops began to pour into Charleston, and there was 
much discussion in regard to the policy and possibility of seizing all the 
national forts in the harbor; and, in fact, under the circumstances, the oppor- 
tunity was too tempting to warrant a belief that it would be long resisted. 
As to all this Major Anderson was well informed, for intercourse between 
the garrison and the city was kept up as usual. Nevertheless, his duty was 
clear, not only from the general nature of his responsibility to the govern- 
ment, but from special instructions sent to him by the Secretary of War — 
instructions so manifestly required in the emergency, that even John B. 
Floyd, false to his country and false to his honor, could not refrain from 
giving them. They were sent to Major Anderson verbally through Assist- 
ant Adjutant General Butler, whose written memorandum was afterward 
made public. According to this memorandum, Major Anderson was in- 
structed "carefully to avoid any act which would needlessly provoke ag- 
gression," and on that reason " not, without necessity, to take up any posi- 
tion which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude; 
but," the order continues, " you are to hold possession of the forts in the 
harbor, and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. 
The smallness of your force will net permit you, perhaps, to occupy more 
than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take possession 
of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then 
put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper 
to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar 



FORT SUMTEtt - & 

steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hos- 



Christmas day dawned upon Major Anderson under these circumstances 
and bound by these instructions. It may be supposed that he was not in a 
festive mood; but, whatever his apprehensions or his purposes, he kept them 
to himself, and accepted an invitation to dinner in Charleston. Had his 
entertainers known the already settled determination of their gentle, placid 
guest, he would probably never have been allowed to leave the city, cer- 
tainly he would have been prevented from returning to his post. They 
parted for the last time as friends that night, which, indeed, was the hist 
occasion on which he set foot in that nest of traitors. Lulled into confidence 
by a belief that under no circumstances would the President take any steps 
whatever to assert the authority of the government or protect the national. 
honor in South Carolina, and confirmed in this belief by the manner of Ma- 
jor Anderson, the Charleston ians went on with their preparations, and await- 
ed their own time for effecting their purposes. Meantime Mr. Robert W. 
Barnwell, Mr. J. H. Adams, and Mr. James L. Orr were sent as commission- 
ers from the "sovereign state" of South Carolina, to "treat with the govern- 
ment of the United States for the delivery of the forts, magazines, light- 
houses, and other real estate, with their appurtenances, in South Carolina, and 
also for an apportionment of the public debt, and for a division of all other 
property held by the government of the United States as agent of the Con- 
federated States, of which South Carolina was recently a member," etc., etc. 
It may be that this commission was appointed with the notion that it could 
be received by the President; it may be that some of those whom it repre- 
sented could not perceive the effrontery of sending such a commission to the 
President of the United States, and actually believed that it would be able 
to open some kind of negotiation with the national government. Mayhap 
some citizen of this newly-hatched "sovereignty" saw in his excited imag- 
ination the commissioners returning with the deeds of Forts Sumter and 
Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, the arsenal and the light-houses, in their pockets, 
given in return for the promises to pay of the treasury of South Carolina. 
But fancies and visions like these, as well as those of a more modest and 
reasonable character, were very suddenly dispelled without the aid of the 
report of the commissioners; for the good people of Charleston, looking 
seaward on the morning of the 27th of December, saw, instead of the United 
States flag flying from the flag-staff of Fort Moultrie, only a cloud of smoke 
rolling upward; and soon the look-outs brought the news that Major Ander- 
son had evacuated and dismantled that fortification, and had retired with his 
little command to Fort Sumter. 




The news caused great excitement in Charleston. The rebels saw them- 
selves at once defied and baffled. They were thousands, and could soon 
make themselves tens of thousands ; yet here a band of one hundred men 
had been placed in a position where they could assert, and, for a time at 
least, maintain the authority of the government, and uphold its flag in the 
very harbor of the chief city of the seceding state. Fort Sumter commanded 
the entrance to the port, and, being a very strong work, stood, as it were, 
sentinel over Charleston, and controlled its commercial exits and entrances. 
But this was not the chief reason of the turmoil in the town. The rebels 
were exasperated at finding that they -had been outwitted, and that not only 
was the little garrison which they had calculated upon turning out of Fort 
Moultrie, civilly if they could, but forcibly if they must, placed safely beyond 
their reach, but that the empty fortress which they had taken for granted 
that they could seize and control in a single night, was effectually secured 
against all attempts except those of siege, bombardment, or storm by over- 
whelming force. 

Major Anderson had kept his secret well, and done his work thoroughly. 
During the day, the wives and children of the troops were sent away from 
the fort, on the plea that, as an attack might be made upon it, their removal 
was necessary. Three small schooners were hired, and the few inhabitants 
of Sullivan's Island saw them loaded, as they thought, with beds, furniture, 
trunks, and other luggage of that kind. About nine o'clock in the evening, 
the men were ordered to hold themselves in marching order, with knapsacks 
packed, ready to move at a moment's notice. No one seemed to know the 
reason of the movement, and probably no one but Major Anderson himself 
and his next in command knew their destination. The little garrison was 
paraded, inspected, and then embarked on boats which headed for Fort Sum- 
ter. The schooners bad taken, or then took, all the provisions, garrison fiuv 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 




niture, and munitions of war which could be carried away on such short no- 
tice, and with such slender means of transportation — enough to enable four- 
score men to sustain and defend themselves in a strong, sea-girt fortress for 
a long time. "What could not be carried away was destroyed. Not a keg 
of powder or a cartridge was left in the magazine ; the small-arms and mili- 
tary supplies of all kinds were removed ; the guns were spiked, the gun-car- 
riages burned, and the guns thus dismounted ; partly-finished additions and 
alterations of the work were destroyed ; the flag-staff was cut down ; and 
nothing, in fact, was left unharmed but the round shot which were too heavy 
to carry off, and which the spiking and dismounting of the guns had made 
The dawn saw Major Anderson safely established with his com- 




mand in Fort Sumter, secure from immediate attack, though Fort Moultrie 
was occupied only by a corporal's guard, left there to complete the work of 
destruction. He saw what a responsibility ho had assumed, and fully ap- 
preciated the delicacy and the importance of the trust committed to him. 
Perhaps if he could have looked forward for three months, and foreseen all 
the consequences of his act during that period, he would have remained at 
Fort Moultrie until he was summoned to yield by a force too great for him 



to resist, or until he received orders to yield his post. It is well for the 
country, as well as for his own reputation, that he was tempted into no such 
speculations, but did to the best of his ability the duty which lay before 
him. The step which he took proved of more importance to the permanent 
safety of the republic than any other which he could have determined upon, 
bad he spent months in deliberation, with the astutest politicians of the coun- 
try as his counselors. A devout man, and impressed with the importance 
of his position, he was desirous of awakening in his officers and men the 
same profound sensations which filled his breast He marked the occupa- 
tion of their new position with a little religious ceremony. The flag which 
they were there to defend as a symbol of their nationality and their govern- 
ment was to be raised, and Major Anderson determined that he would raise 
it himself, and ask the blessing of Heaven upon their endeavor. So at noon 
of the 27th of December, all under his command, non-combatants as well as 
combatants, were assembled round the flag-staff. Major Anderson, with the 
halyards in his band, knelt at its foot, and the officers and men, impressed 
with the solemnity of the occasion, needed no orders to assume a reverential 
position as the chaplain stepped forth in the midst and offered up an earnest 
prayer — a prayer, says one who was present, which was " such an appeal for 
support, encouragement, and mercy as one would make who felt that ' man's 
extremity is God's opportunity.'" After he had ceased, and the earnest 
Amen from manly lips had died away in the hollow casemates, the command- 
er hauled up the flag, the band saluted it with " Hail Columbia 1" the accents 
of supplication gave way to those of enthusiasm, and cheers broke forth 
from the lips of all present — cheers which proved to be not only cheers of 
exultation and confidence, but of defiance; for just then it happened that a 
boat sent down from Charleston to bring up exact reports of the condition 
of affairs at Moultrie and Sumter approached the latter fortress, and saw the 
national standard rise amid the shouts of those who then vowed in their 
hearts that, while in their hands, it should suffer no dishonor, and who 
through four weary watchful months and two dreadful days kept well their 
vow. 

In their rage the Charlestonians denounced the President as false to his 
word and Major Anderson as a wanton provoker of civil war. The accusa- 
tion against the President was based on his avowed determination not to re- 
enforce the forts, and on a declaration of four of the representatives of South 
Carolina — Messrs. John M'Queen, M. L. Bonham, W. W, Boyce, and Law- 
rence M. Keitt — that it was their "strong conviction that the people of the 
State of South Carolina would not either attack or molest the forts in Charles- 
ton Harbor before negotiating for them, provided no re-enforcements were 
sent to them, and their, relative military status was not disturbed. This dec- 
laration was made, and, at the President's suggestion, put in writing on the 
9th of December. This mere announcement of intention on the one part and 
declaration of opinion on the other, the seceders in South Carolina and in 
Washington, both in and out of the cabinet, chose to regard as a pledge — an 
obligation binding upon both parties to it. Mr. War Secretary Floyd im- 
mediately, on the27th of December, formally asserted in the cabinet that "the 
solemn pledges of the government had been violated by Major Anderson," 
and as formally demanded permission to withdraw the garrison from the 



18. SO.] 



FORT SUMTER 



3d 



harbor of Charleston, as the only alternative by which to vindicate the honor 
of the government and prevent civil war. Yet this very Secretary of "War 
had, on the 11th of December, two days after the declaration by the four 
South Carolina delegates, instructed Major Anderson to put his command 
into cither of the forts which he deemed would make it most effective in 
case lie should have tangible evidence of a design on the part of the South 
Carolinians to proceed to a hostile act, an attempt to take possession of 
either of the forts being especially indicated. 

The effect of Major Anderson's change of position was even greater 
throughout the country at large than at Charleston. It flashed the gleam 
of arms upon the eager eyes of the people, and men saw suddenly what be- 
fore they had only imagined. Those who bad felt strongly, and talked earn- 
estly of maintaining the national honor and integrity by the sword, had 
thought vaguely, and perhaps doubtfully, upon the mode in which this 
dreadful issue should be brought about. But here it was done without vio- 
lence, without proclamation, at a word, and in the simplest manner. Major 
Anderson's movement placed the Charlestonians in the attitude of open en- 
emies of the national government, with whom intercourse was thereafter to 
be upon a war footing. Unless what he had done was disavowed by the 
President, and he was ordered to retire from Charleston Harbor, or at least 
to return to Fort Moultrie, his occupation of Fort Sumter was an official 
declaration to the seceders that they could accomplish even the first of their 
purposes only by proving too strong in arms for the military force of the 
United States. Ilia movement, but not himself, accomplished this. The 
rebels themselves were alone responsible for the grave significance of the 
fact; for, as commandant of the harbor, he might house bis garrison in 
whichever of the forts be thought best, and no one, save the head of the 
War Department, have the right to ask a question. If the transfer of 
fourscore men from one fort to another meant war. it acquired that meaning 
only by reason of what 
had been done and plan- 
ned in Charleston. So 
the cry of wrath which 
went up from the rebel 
city was answered by a 
voice of admiration, en- 
couragement, and, above 
all, of confidence, from al- 
most the entire country 
outside of South Carolina. 
Among the very people 
at the North upon whose 
sympathy the seceders 
had most surely counted 
— even in some of the 
very states at the South 
whose fortunes South 
Carolina believed with 
reason to be indissolnbly 
linked with hers — the oc- 
cupation of Fort Sumter 
was regarded as the most 
prudent and dignified 
course which could have 
been taken under the cir- 
cumstances. It touched 
the national honor and 
awoke the national pride 
wherever patriotism was 
superior to local preju- 
dices and class interest. 
It brought the conviction 
home to every citizen 
that he had a country 
and a government to 
which, although be him- 
self was part of that gov- 
ernment, he owed allegi- 
ance and support. The 
man who thus impressed 
a nation became the hero 
oflhc hour. Major An- 
derson's name and his 
praises were upon all lips 
whicli did not mutter trea- 
son. The most influen- 
tial journals among those 
which had opposed the 
party whose success was 
made the occasion of the 
rebellion — even those in 
the states south of the Po- 
tomac and the Ohio — the 
political leaders of which 
were not already com- 
mitted to the conspiracy 
against the republic, vied 
with their late political 




opponents in approbation of the position which Major Anderson had taken, 
and in showing how important it was to the self-respect of the nation, to 
its position before the world, and to its very existence, that he should be 
sustained by the government at "Washington. The sensitive test of the 
money-market indicated the general feeling, and the price of stocks went up. 
The pace of treason, rapid before, was quickened by this movement. On 
the 27th troops were ordered out in Charleston; military aid was proffered 
to South Carolina by Georgia and Alabama; and Governor Magoffin, of 
Kentucky, bent upon secession, called an extra session of the Legislature of 
that state. On this day, too, the rebels obtained through treachery the first 
vessel of their navy. The revenue cutter William Aiken was lying in 
Charleston Harbor, under command of Captain N. L. Coste, of the revenue 
service. Two weeks before he had told his second in command, Lieutenant 
Underwood, that he would not serve under Mr. Lincoln as President; and 
that, in case the expected secession of South Carolina took place, he should 
resign and place the cutter in command of Lieutenant Underwood. But, in 
spite of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, he remained in command, 
and on the afternoon of the 27th he hauled down the United States revenue 
flag, raised the Palmetto standard of revolt, and placed his veo»cl as well as 
himself at the disposal of the insurgent authorities. His subordinate officers, 
true to their oaths, reported themselves for duty at Washington. This tri- 
fling incident is worthy of notice at the beginning of our sad story, as indic- 
ative of the violation of individual trust which marked this stage of the in- 
surrection. 

On the 28th the authorities of Charleston determined to assert their newly- 
assumed powers to the extent of their ability. They seized the custom- 
house, the post-office, and on the 30tb the arsenal, and raised the state flag 
upon them, and sent an armed force to occupy Fort Moultrie and Castle 
Pinckney. The few soldiers at each of those fortifications yielded, of course, 

without any resistance, 
and on those walls also 
the palmetto-tree replaced 
the stars and stripes. 

The President having 
refused to withdraw the 
garrison from Charleston 
Harbor, on the 29th the 
Secretary of "War, Mr. 
Floyd, resigned his of- 
fice, closing his resigna- 
tion with these words: 
" I deeply regret that I 
feel myself under the 
necessity of tendering 
to you my resignation 
as Secretary of War, be- 
cause lean no longer hold 
it under my convictions 
of patriotism, nor with 
honor, subjected as I am 
to a violation of sol- 
emn pledges and plight- 
ed faith," These fair 
phrases sounded well at 
the end of such a letter; 
but the truth was, that, 
in consequence of Mr. 
Floyd's connection with 
the Indian Trust Fund 
fraud, for which he was 
afterward indicted, the 
President had intimated 
to him, through a distin- 
guished statesman, that 
he deemed it improper 
that he should longer re- 
main a member of the 
cabinet. On the twenty- 
ninth of December, also, 
the commissioners from 
South Carolina formally 
addressed the President, 
laid their authority be- 
fore him, sent him an of- 
ficial copy of the Ordi- 
nance of Secession, and 
expressed a desire for 
such negotiation as would 
secure mutual respect, 
general advantage, and a 
future good-will and har- 
mony; but added that, as 
Major Anderson, by dis- 
mantling one fort and 
occupying another, had 
made important changes 
in the affairs in relation 
to which they had come 



m 






CUTLER WOOL 



McCALL ROSECRANS ANDERSON 
MeCOOK 



Mcdowell blenker mcClellan 

SlCKELS 



SCOTT 

OUR GENE 




IiL'TLKR WOOL 



SJcCALL ROSECRAN8 ANDERSON 
HcCOOK 



Mcdowell blenker mcClellan 

81CKELS 



SCOTT HUNTER SIGF.L S PRAGUE MANRFTF.LD BI'RNSIDE 

PRENTISS TYLER 

OUR GENERALS IN 1861. 



BANKS FREMONT LANDER DIX "**<™ nwpcrt w«*U- 

HEINTZELMAN CURTIS STONE 



36 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[18G0. 



to Washington, they were obliged to suspend all discission until the move- 
ment which they referred to had been satisfactorily explained. They styled 
the retention of the government troops in Charleston Harbor a standing 
menace which rendered negotiation impossible, and urged their immedi- 
ate withdrawal. Mr. Buchanan refused to receive them in an official ca- 
pacity, but on the 30th replied to their letter. He denied that he, or his 
Secretary of War by his order, bad given any pledge in regard to the garri- 
son of Fort Moultrie, referred the commissioners to a memorandum of the 



1 Gorrtspondence befiotxn the South Carolina Commissioners and the President of the United States. 

Washington, December 29, 1S00. 

Sift, — We have the honor to transmit to you o copy of the full powers from the Convention of 
the people of South Carolina, under which we are ''authorized and empowered to treat with the 
government of the United .States fur the delivery of the forts, mngiiiincs, light-houses, and other 
ro.il estate, with their nppurtennnccs, in the limits of South Carolina; nnd also for nil apportion- 
ment of the public debt, and fur a division of nil other properly held by the government of the 
United States, as Agent of the Confederated States, of which South Carolina was recently a mem- 
ber, nnd generally to negotiate ;is to nil oilier measures nnd arrangements proper to be mnde nnd 
adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of pence nnd nmiry between 
this commonwealth nnd the government at Washington," 

In the execution of this trust, it is our duty to furnish you, as wc now do, with nn official copy 
of the Ordinance of Secession, bv which the Si ate of Smith Carolina has resumed the powers she 
delegated to the government of the United States, nnd has declared her perfect sovereignty and 
in impendence. 

It would also have been our duty to have informed yon that we were ready to negotiate with 
yon upon all such questions ns are necessarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance, nnd that 
wc were pre pnred to enter upon this negotiation, with the earnest desire to avoid nl! unnecessary 
nnd hostile collision, nnd so to inaugurate our new relations as to secure mutunl respect, general 
advantage, and a future of good-will and harmony, beneficial to all the parlies concerned. 

But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such on assurance impossible. We came 
here the representatives of nn authority which could, nt any time within the post sixty days, have 
taken possession of the forts in Charleston Harbor, but which, upon pledges given in .1 manner thnt 
we can not doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather than to its own power. Since our ar- 
rival here an officer of the United Suites, acting, as we are assured, not only without, but against 
vour orders, has dismantled one fort nnd occupied another, thus nllering to a most important ex- 
tent the condition of affairs under which we came. 

Until these circumstances are explained in n manner which relieves us of nil doubt as to the 
spirit in which these negotiations shall i>e conducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion as to 
any nrrnngement by which our mutual interests may he amicably adjusted. 

And, in conclusion, we would urge upon yon the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the 
harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances, they are a standing menace which renders 
negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience allows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody 
issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment. Wc have the honor to be, 
very respectfully, your obedient sen ants, It. W. BARNWELJi,"V 

J. II. Adams, !- Commissioners. 

Jas. L. Orr, ) 

-To the President of the United Stales. 

The President's Rejily. 

Washington City, Dec. 30, ISCO. 

Gentlemen, — I have had the honor to receive your communication of 2Sth inst., together with 
a copy of "your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina," authorising 
you. to treat with the government of the United Slates on various important subjects therein men- 
tioned, and also a copy of the ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that " the union 
now subsisting between South Carolinn nnd other states, under [he name of the United States of 
America, is hereby dissolved." 

In answer to this communication, I have to say thnt my position as President of the United 
States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that, 
"apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may he practicable, the executive has no au- 
thority to decide what shall be the rein lions between the federal government and South Carolinn. 
lie litis been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations 
hitherto existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that state. This 
would be to invest a mere executive ollieer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the 
confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign states. It bears no resemblance to the recognition 
of a foreign de facto government, involving no such rcspon.-.iluliiy. Any attempt to do this would, 
on his part, be a nuked net of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the 
whole question in all its bearings.'' 

Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet yon only as private gentlemen of the highest 
character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have 
to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my eurnest desire 
that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, wdto alone possess the 
power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parlies in regard to the posses- 
sion of the federal forts in the harbor of Charleston ; and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in your 
opinion, ''the events of the last twenty- four hours render ibis Impossible," In conclusion, you 
urge upon me "the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston," stating 
that " under present circumstances, they arc a standing menace, which renders negotiation impos- 
sible, and, as our recent ex|ierieiiie shows, threaten; speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions 
which ought to he settled with temperance and judgment." 

The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, "an 
officer of the United States, acting, as we (you) arc assured, not only without, but against your 
(my) orders, has dismantled one fort and o> copied nnotbor, thns altering to n most important ex- 
tent the condition of affairs nndcr nhich we (vim; came." You also allege that you enme here 
" the representatives of nn authority which co'ald, at any time within the past sixty days, have 
taken possession of (be forts in Charleston Hurler, but which, upon pledges given in a ninnner 
that wc (you) can not doubt, determined 10 trust to your (my) honor rather than to its power." 

This brings me to n consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, nnd in what manner 
they have been observed. In my message of the 3d of December lust, I stated, in regard to the 
property of the United States in Smith Carolinn, that it " has been purchased for n fair equivalent, 
by the consent of the I,< ^i-laturc- of the state, for the erection of forte, mngnzines, nrscnals, etc., 
and over the^e the authority 'to exercise exclusive legislation' has been expressly granted by the 
Constitution to Congress, "il is not Ulicvcd that any attempt will be made to ex|>cl the United 
States from this property by force ; but if in this 1 should prove to bo mistaken, the officer in 
command of the funs has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency 
tho responsibility for consequences would rightfully real upon the heads of the assailants," This 
being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, Bth December, four of the representatives from 
Sonth Carolina called upon me and requested nn interview. We had an earnest conversation 
on the subject of these Forts, and the best means of preventing n collision between the parties, for 
the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood, I suggested, fur prudential reasons, that it would be 
best to pat in writing what they said to me verbally. They did eo accordingly, nnd on Monday 
morning, the lOib instant, throe of theui presented to me a pu|.or signed by all the representatives 
from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is n copy 1 
To hU Excellency .li.tiu-w liiidmnuii, lr.ii,nrit <T i},<- TJuilfiil State*: 
In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions 
that neither the constituted millionth*, nor any body of the people nf ibe Stnte of South Carolinn, 
will either attack or molest ibe United Slates' forts in ibe liurbur of Charleston previously 1o the 
net of the Convention, and we hope and Itelieve nut until an offer has been made, through an ac- 
credited representative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the state 
and thciederal government, provided that no re-en force men is shall be sent into these forts, nnd 
their rcl.Ltoc military Status -hall remain as at present. John M'Qukkn, 

M. L. Bonimu, 
W. W. Boron, 
Lawkence M. Keitt. 

WWhlngbiD, Dec. 0, 18(10. 
And lien; I must, in justice to myself, remark, that at the time the paper was presented tn me, I 
objected to the word "provided," .as it might Imt construed into an agreement on my part, which I 
never would make. They said 1 hut nothing was farther from their intention— they did not so 
understand it, and 1 should not ho consider it. It is evident they could enter into nn reciprocal 
agreement with me nn the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were 
neting in their individual character, I considered it as nothing mure, in elite t, than the promise 
of highly honorable geiiilcrtn-n to exert their inlluonce for tho purpose expressed. The event has 
proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, nl though 1 hnvo never since received n lino 
from any one of thern, or from any member of the Convention on (he subject. It Is well known 
thai it was my deterrni nation, and tlii* I freely expressed, not to re-enfurco the furls in tho linrhor, 
and thus produce u collision, until they hud been actually attacked, or until T had certain cvldonco 



instructions sent by Mr, Floyd to Major Anderson, and positively refused to 
withdraw the troops from Charleston Harbor; adding, "Such an idea was 
never thought of by me in any possible contingency." To the President's 
letter the com mission era the next day sent a rejoinder, polite in terms but so 
insulting in its implications, and so arrogant and insolent in its tone, that it 
was returned to them with the indorsement, "This paper,just presented lo 
the President, is of such a character that he declines to reeeive it," and on 
the 5th of January they went home, having accomplished nothing. 1 



that they were about to be attacked. This paper 1 received most cordially, and considered it as a 
happy omen that peace might be still preserved, nnd that time might he thus given for reflection. 
This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge. 

But I uctcd in tho same maimer as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal 
agreement willi parties capable pf contracting, although such nit agreement would have been on 
my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossiblo. The world knows that I have never 
sent any re -cufu ice 111 en is to the forts in Charleston Harbor, nnd I have certainly never authorized 
any change to lie made "in their relative military status." Bearing upon this subject, I refer 
you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th instant, to Major Anderson, but not 
brought to my notice until the iilst instant. It is as follows: 

Memorandum 0/ Virlntl Instructions to Motor .1 ii,l,-rfo», first Ariitliri/, rw»i»iiw,/ii»j Port Moultrie, 
South Carolina. 

You arc nwnre of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision of the troops with 
the people of this stnte shall be avoided, and of bis studied determination to pursue a course with 
reference lo the military force nnd foils in this harbor which shall guard against such a collision. 
He has, therefore, carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any mens, 
urcs which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any 
doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain posses- 
sion of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. 

But ns the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint these ex- 
pectations of the government, he deems it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to 
meet so unhappy a contingency. He has therefore directed me, verbally, to give you such in- 
structions. 

You arc carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for 
that reason yon are not, without necessity, to lake up any position which could be construed into 
the assumption of a hostile attitude; but you are to hold />o session of the forts in the harbor, and if 
attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not per- 
mit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts ; but nn attack on, or attempt to tnkq 
possession of either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and yon may then put yonr 
command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resist- 
ance. You arc o/.S'i authorized lo take similar steps irhmrrrr i/ou have t.imjilife eridrnre of a design to 
proceed to a hostile act. D. P. Bltler, Assistant Adjutant General. 

Fort Moultrie, S. C,J3et 11, 1930. 

This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Bitell, 

John B. Floyd, Secretary of War. 

These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort 
Sumter, with a single exception, in regard to a particular which does not in any degree affect tho 
present question. Under these circumstances, it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own 
responsibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, be had "tangible evidence of n design to 
proceed to a" hostile act" on the part of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still ha 
is a brave and honorable officer, nnd justice requires that he should not be condemned without a 
fair hearing. 

Bo this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded 
to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his former position, and 
there to await the contingencies presented in bis instructions. This would only have been done 
with any degree of safely to the command by the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities. 
But befure any step could possibly have been taken in this direction, we received information thnt 
the "Palmetto Hag floated out to' the breeze nt Castle Pinckncy, and a large military force went 
over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie." Thus the authorities of South Carol'ina, without 
waiting or asking for any explanations, nnd doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that 
the officer had acted not only without, but against my orders, on the very next day after the night 
when the removal wns mnde, seized by 11 military force two of the federal forts in the harbor of 
Charleston, nnd have covered them under their own Hag instead of that of the United Stntcs. 

At this gloomy period of our history, startling cvt nts succeed each other rapidly. On the very 
day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over 
the federal custom-house nnd post-office in Charleston, and on the same day every officer of the 
customs — collector, naval officer, surveyor, and appraiser — resigned their offices; nnd this, al- 
though it was well known from the language of my message that, as :m executive officer, I felt my- 
self bound to collect the revenue nt the port of Charleston under the existing laws. In tho harbor 
of Charleston wc now find three forts confronting ench other, over nil of which the federnl ling 
floated only four days ago ; but now, over two of them, this Hag hns been supplanted, nnd the Pal- 
metto flag has been substituted in its stend. It is under all these circumstances thnt I am urged 
immediately to withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charleston, and ant informed that without 
this negotiation is impossible. This I can not do; this I will not do. Such an idea wns never 
thought of by me in any possible contingency. No 1411 h nllusion had been mnde in any commu- 
nication between myself nnd nny human being. But the inference is thnt ] nra bound lo with- 
draw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the harbor 
of Charleston, becnose the officer there in command of all of the forts thought proper, without in- 
structions, to cl ge his position from one of ibcm to nnother. 

At this point of writing, I have received information by telegraph from Captain Humphreys, in 
command of the arsenal at Charleston, that " it has to-day (Sunday, I he SOth) been taken by force 
of arms." It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to this arsenal arc worth half a mil- 
lion of dollars. 

Comment is needless. After this information, I hnvc only to add, that while it is my duty lo 
defend Fort Sumter, ns n portion of the public property of the United States, against hostile at- 
tacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not 
perceive how such n defense can be construed into n menace against the city of Charleston. Willi 
great personal regard, I remain yours very respectfully, James Buchanan. 

To Uoa, KuLieri W. Bnmwol], Jnmel II. Adnnis, Jnmia I* Orr. 

Second Utter of the Commissioners to the President. 

Wuhlngfon, n. C, Jan. 1, 1BH, 

Bin, — Wc hnvc the honor to acknowledge the receipt nf your letter ufthe3uih December, in re- 
ply to a note addressed by us to you, on the 28th of the same month, ns commissioners from South 
Carolina. 

In reference tn the declaration with which your reply commences ihnt your "position as Presi- 
dent of the United Stntcs was already defined' in the message to Congress of the 3d instant;" that 
you possess "nn power to change the relations heretofore cxistiue. between South Carolinn and tho 
United States," "much less 10 acknowledge the independence ufthat slate," and that consequent- 
ly you could meet us only ns private gentlemen of the highest character, with an entire willingness 
to communicate to Congress any proposition we might have !■• make, we deem it only necessary 
to say thnt the State of South Carolina having, in the exercise of that great right of self-govern- 
ment which underlies all our political organizations, de. hired herself sovereign nnd independent, 
we, ns her representatives, felt no special solicitude as to the character in which yon might recog- 
nize us. Satisfied that the state had simply exercised her umpicsiionable right, wc were prepared, 
in order to reach substantial good, lo waive the formal considerations which your consiitutionnl 
scruples might have prevented von from extending. We came here, therefore, expecting to be re- 
ceived as yon did rcceivo us, n'nd perfectly content with that entire willingness of which you ns- 
snred up, to submit any proposition to Congress which wo might hnvo to make upon the subject 
of tho independence of the stato. The willingness was ample recognition of the condition of pub- 
lic affairs which rendered our presence necessary. In this position, however, It is our duty, both 
to the state which wo represent and to ourselves, to correct severnl important misconceptions of 
our letter into which you have fallen, 

Yousny, "It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of tho whole subject 
by Congress, who alone possess the power, as tn prevent the inauguration of a civil war between tho 
parlies in regard to the posses-ion of the federal furls in ihe hnrhor ofChnrlcsinn ; ami I therefore 
deeply regret that hi your opinion ibe events of the last twenty-four hour* render ihls impossible," 
We expressed nn such opinion ; and tho language which you quote ns ours is altered in its sense 
by tho omission of a most important part of tho sentence. Whnt wo did say was, " But the events 
of the last twenty-four hours render such nn nssurnnco impossible." Place thnt "assurance," us 
contained in our letter, in the sentence, nnd wo are prepared to repeat it. 

Again, professing lo qitnlo our lungungo, yon say, "Thns ilia authorities of South Carolinn, 
without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, 
that tho officer had neled not only without, hut against my orders, " etc. Wo ejqirossod no such 



1800.] 



ffoitf struma. 



37 



From (he time of Major Anderson's transfer of bis command, Wash- 
ington had been in a state of deplorable and even disgraceful excitement. 
The delegates from tbe states which were ripe for revolt, but which had not 
seceded, retained their seats in Congress, and by their open threats and secret 
intrigues increased the alarm of the country, and crippled the feeble and al- 
ready bewildered administration. They sat in the chairs to which they 
were sent for the support of the Constitution of the United States and con- 
trived its overthrow; they lived in Washington upon the pay of the repub- 
lic while they plotted its destruction ; they held their positions only for the 
purpose of insuring the success of their conspiracy — only that they might 
counterbalance the votes of loyal men, and keep at dead-lock all the essen- 
tial functions of the government. These are no general phrases, no vague 
deductions. The records of treacherous conspiracy show no page more in- 
famous than that written by Senator Yube, of Florida, in a letter to one of 
his constituents, in which he revealed the counsels of his fellow -conspirators, 
the senators of six states, and said that they had all determined to retain 
their places in the councils of the nation with the deliberate purpose of 
keeping Mr. Buchanan's hands tied, and depriving Mr. Lincoln, on his ac- 
cession to office, of the legitimate powers of government. That not the 
smallest item might be lacking to the sum of its shame and the perfection 
of its perfidv, this letter was secured a swift and free passage to its destina- 
tion under tbe Honorable writer's senatorial frank. 3 While such was the 
direct course of secret machination, open counsel went darkly groping 
In both houses the debates were vague, wordy, colloquial, and from tbe 



opinion in reference to the belief of iho people of South Carolina. The language which you hnvc 
quoted was applied solely and entirely lo our assurance! obtained here, uud based, as you well 
know, upon your own declaration — a declnralion which, at tliat time, it mi impossible for the au- 
thorities of South Carolina to have known. But, without following this letter into nil its details, 
wc propose only to meet the chief points of the argument. 

Some weeks ago the State of South Carolina declared her intention, in the existing condition 
of public affaire, to secede from the United States. She called a convention of her people to put 
her declaration in force. Tho Convention met and passed the Ordinance of .Secession. All this 
you Anticipated, mid your course of action was thoroughly considered in your Annual Message. 
You declared you had no right, and would not attempt, to coerce a seceding state, but that you 
were bound by" your constitutional oath, and would defend the properly of the United Stntcs with- 
in the borders of South Carolina if an attempt was made to take it by force. Seeing very early 
that this question of property was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a desire lo settle it 
without collision. Yon did not re-enforce the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. You removed 
a distinguished and veteran officer from the command of Fort Moultrie because he attempted to 
increase his supply of ammunition. You refused to scud additional troops to the same garrison 
when applied for by tho officer appointed to succeed him. You accepted the resignation of the 
oldest and most eminent member of yottr cabinet rather than allow the garrison to be strength- 
ened. You compelled on officer stationed at Fort Sumter to return immediately to the arsenal 
forty muskets which he had taken to arm his men. You expressed not to one, but to many, of the 
most distinguished of our public characters, whose testimony will be placed upon the record when- 
ever it is necessary, your anxiety for a peaceful termination of this controversy, and your willing- 
ness not to disturb the military status of the forts, if commissioners should be sent to the govern- 
ment, whoso communications yon promised lo submit to Congress. You received and acted on 
assurances from the highest official authorities of South Carolina, that no attempt would be made 
to disturb your possession of the forts and property of the United States, if yon would not disturb 
their existing condition until the commissioners bad been sent, and the attempt to negotiate had 
failed. You took from the members of the House of Representatives a written memorandum that 
no snch attempt should be made, "provided that no re-enforcements should be sent into those forts, 
and their relative military status shall remain as at present." And although you attach no force 
to the acceptance of such a paper — although you "considered it as nothing more in effect than the 
promise of highly honorable gentlemen"— as an obligation on one side, without corresponding obli- 
gation on the other— it must be remembered (if we were rightly informed) that you were pledged, 
if you ever did send re-cn force men is, to retain it to those from whom you had received it, before 
you executed yoor resolution. You sent orders to your officers, commanding them strictly to fol- 
low a line of conduct in conformity with such an understanding. Besides all this, you hud re- 
ceived formal and official notice from the Governor of South Carolina that we had been appoint- 
ed commissioners, and were on our way to Washington. You knew the implied condition under 
which we came; our arrival was notified to you, and an hour appointed fur nn interview. Wo 
arrived in Washington on Wednesday, nt 3 o'clock, and you appointed an interview with uk at 1 
the next day. Early on that day (Thursday) the news was received here of the movement of 
Major Anderson. That news was communicated to you immediately, and you postponed our 
meeting until 2i o'clock on Friday, in order thnt you might consult your cubinet. On Friday we 
saw you, nnd we called upon you then to redeem jour pledge. Yon could not deny it. With the 
facts we have 6tatcd, and in the face of the crowning nnd conclusive fact that your Secretary of 
War had resigned his >-eat in the cabinet, upon the publicly avowed ground that the action of Ma- 
jor Anderson had violated the pledged faith of the government, and that, unless the pledge was 
instantly redeemed, he was dishonored, denial was impossible ; you did not deny it. Yon do not 
deny it now, but jou seek to escape from its obligation on the grounds, first, that we terminated all 
negotiation by demanding, as a preliminary, the withdrawal of the United States troops from tho 
harbor of Charleston ; and, second, that the authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking ex- 
planation, and giving you the Opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property 
of the United States. " We will examine both. 

In the liret place, wo deny positively that wc have ever in any way made any such demand. 
Our letter is in your possession ; it will stand by this on record. In it wc informed you of the ob- 
jects of our mission. We say that it would have been our duty to have assured you of our read- 
iness to commence negotiations with the most earnest and anxious desire in settle all questions be- 
tween us amicably and to our mil t mil advantage, but that events had rendered that assurance im- 
possible. Wc stated the events, nnd we said that until some satisfactory explanation or these 
events was piven us, we could not proceed ; and then, having made this request for explanation, 
wc added, "And in conclusion we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops 
from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace, which 
renders negotiation impossible," etc. "Under present circumstances!" What circumstances? 
Why, clearly the occupation of Fort Sumter and the dismantling of Fori Moultrie by Major An- 
derson, in the face of your pledges, and without explanation or practical disavowal. And there is 
nothing in the letter which would, or could, have prevented you from declining to withdraw the 
troops, and offering the restoration of the status to which you were pledged, if such had been your 
desire. It would have been wiser nnd hotter, in our opinion, to have withdrawn the troo|.s, nnd 
this opinion wo urged upon you ; hut we demanded nothing but such an explanation of Iho events 
of tbe last twenty-fonr hours as would restore our confidence in the spirit with which the negotia- 
tions should be conducted. In relntion to this withdrawn! of the troops from the harbor, we are 
compelled, however, to notice one passage of your letter. Referring lo it, you say, "This I can 
not do; this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by mc in any possible contingency, 
No allusion toil had ever been made in any communication liclwccn myself uud any human being." 

In reply to thin statement, we arc compelled lo say, thnt your conversation with us left upon 
our minds the distinct iinpre— inn that you did seriously contemplate the withdrawal of the troops 
from Charleston (I arbor. And in support of this impression, wc would add, that we hnvc the ]*>s- 
itivc assurance of gentlemen of the highest possible public reputation and the most unsullied in- 
tegrity — men whose name nnd fame, secured by long service and patriotic achievements, place 
their testimony beyond cavil — that such suggestions hud been made lo and urged ii]ion you by 
them, and had funned the subject of more than one carm-sl di-cii>sir.n with you. And it was this 
knowledge that induced us to urge upon you a policy which had to recommend it its own wisdom 
nnd the might of such authority. As to ilie second point, that the authorities of South Carolina, 
instead of asking explanations, and giving you the opportunity lo vindicate yourself, took pos- 
session of other property of the United States, wc would observe: 1. That even if this were so, 
it docs not avail you for defense, for the op|iorliiniiy for decision was afforded you before these 
facts occurred. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday; ihu news from Major Anderson 
reached here curly on Thursday, and wiw immediately communicated to you. All that day men 
of the highest con si deration — men who hail striven successfully to lift yon In your great o(Dco — 
who had been your tried nnd true friends through the troubles of your administration, sought you 
and entreated you to net— to act nt once. They told you that every hour com plica led your posi- 
tion. They ouly asked you to give the assurance thai if the facts wcru so — thai if ihu commander 



purpose. Abstract points were discussed sometimes with acrimony, at 
others jocosely ; but no decisive action was proposed for the maintenance 
of the authority of the government and the integrity of the republic. 
The small minority who were already rebels at heart and in purpose, if 
not in act, were defiant and overbearing; their opponents sought only to 
pacify and restrain them by proffered concessions; and between these two 
was a considerable number who waited and watched to trim their course 
according to the current. On the 27th, in the House Committee of Thirty- 
three upon the State of the Union, Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, proposed 
a resolution, "That it is expedient to propose an amendment to the Con- 
stitution to the effect that no future amendments of it in regard to slavery 
shall be made, unless proposed by a slave state and ratified by all the 
states." This resolution was passed with only three dissenting voices. 
Coming from a representative of Massachusetts, and proposing terms which 
would put the question of slavery in the states absolutely and forever 
out of the reach of the free states, no matter how greatly in the major- 
ity, and thus removing the ground of that apprehension for the future 
which was made the excuse of secession, this resolution might have been 
the first step toward the much-sought compromise. It was regarded with 
favor by many delegates from slave states; and after a free conference be- 
tween all the members of the committee, even Mr. Cobb, of Alabama, declared 
that the question at issue might now be settled. It might, indeed, had uot 
the politicians of South Carolina, and those of other states, but of their school, 
been bent upon attaining their purpose, in or out of the Union, by defiance 



had acted without and against your orders, nnd in violation of your pledges— that you would re- 
store the status you had pledged your honor to maintain. You refused to decide. Your Secretary 
at War, your immediate and proper udi isor in this whole matter, waited anxiously for your decis- 
ion, until he felt ihnt delay was becoming dishonor. More than twelve hours passed, and two 
cabinet meetings had adjourned, before you knew what the authorities of South Carolina had 
done ; and your prompt decision nt any moment of that time would have avoided the subsequent 
complications. But, if you had known the acts of the authorities of Ninth Carolina, should thnt 
have prevented your keeping your faith? What was the condition of things? For the last sixty 
days you have had in Charleston Harbor not force enough to hold the forts against an equal ene- 
my. Two of them were empty — one of those two the most important in tho harbor. It could 
have been laken at any time. You ought to know better than any man thnt It would hnvc been 
taken but for the cffuris of those who put their trust in your honor. Believing that ihcy were 
threatened by Fort Sumter especially, tbe people were with difficulty restrained from securing, 
without blood, the possession of this important fortress. After many and reiterated assurances, 
given on your behalf, which we can not believe unauthorized, they determined to forbear, and in 
good faith sent on their commissioner* to negotiate with you. They meant you no harm— wished 
you no ill. They thought of you kindly, believed you true, and were willing, as far as was con- 
sistent with duty, to spare you unnecessary and hostile collision. Seiircelv bad these commission- 
ers left than Major Anderson waged war. No other words will describe his action. It was not a 
peaceful change from one fort to another; it was a hostile act in the highest sense, and only justi- 
fied in the presence of a superior enemy, and in imminent peril. lie abandoned his position, 
spiked his guns, burned his gun-carriages, mude preparations for the destruction of his past, and 
withdrew, under cover of the night, to a safer position. This was war. No man could have be- 
lieved (without your assurance) that any officer could have taken such a step, " not only without 
orders, but against orders." What the 6tnte did was in simple self-defense ; for this net, with all 
its attending ci re u instances, was as much war us firing a volley ; and war being thus begun, until 
those commencing it explained their action nnd disavowed their intention, there was no room for 
delay; and even at this moment while we are writing, it is more than probable, from the tenor of 
your letter, thnt rc-enforccmcnts are hurrying on to the conflict, so that when the first gun shall 
be fired, there will have been on your part one continuous, consistent series of actions, commenc- 
ing in n demonstration essentially warlike, supported by regular re-enforcements, nnd terminating 
in defeat or victory. And all this without the (tightest provocation ; for, among the ninny things 
which you have said, there is one thing you can not say— you have waited anxiously for news from 
the scat of war, in hopes that delay would furnish some excuse for this precipitation. But this 
" tangible evidence of a design in proceed to a hostile act, on the part of the authorities of South 
Carolina," wl.ich is tbe only jiishficniion of Mnjor Anderson you arc forced to admit, "has not 
yet been alleged." But you have decided, you have resolved to hold, by force, what you have ob- 
tained through our misplnced confidence; and by refusing to disavow the action of Major Ander- 
son, have converted his violation of onlcrs into a legitimate act of your executive authority. Be 
the issue what ii may, of this wo are assured, that, if Fort Moultrie has been recorded in history as 
a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sumter will live upon the succeeding page us an imperish- 
able testimony of Carolina faith. 

By your course you have probably rendered civil war inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to 
force this issue upon us, the Sinlc of South Carolina will accept it, and, relying upon Him who is 
the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts, will endeavor to perform the great duty which lies 
before her hopefully, bravely, and thoroughly, - 

Our mission being one for negotiation and peace, and your note leaving as without hope of a 
withdrawal of tho troops from Fort Sumter, or of the restoration of the status quo existing nt the 
time of our arrival, and intimating, ns we think, your determination to rc-cnforcc the garrison in 
the harbor of Charleston, wc respectfully inform you thut wo purpose returning to Charleston to- 
morrow afternoon. 

We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servants, 

R. W. Barnwell, i 

J. H. Adams, > Commissioners. 

Jaues L. Orr, ) 

To IiLh Exwlli-ncy the Indent of tho failed Stales. 

The following is the indorsement upon the document: 

Esccuttvi' Mansion, B| e'rtodt, Wednesday. 

This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he declines to re- 
ceive it. 

3 Tho original of ibis letter was found by the correspondent of the New York Times among 
some papers which fell into the hands of the United States forces upon their sudden occupation 
of Fcrnandinn, Florida. It is here (p. 32) reproduced in fnc-similo. The resolutions to which it 
refers were not distinguished in any way from tho rest of the rebellious resolves uf the period. 



i A— *^32?L? —£-0 




HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL "WAK. 



38 

of the government and disruption of the republic. With these men seces- 
sion was a foregone conclusion, and delay and vacillation on the part of the 
supporters of the government only aided the accomplishment of their de- 
signs. This was made plain on the 31st by Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana, 
a state which had not yet taken even the preliminary steps to secession. In 
a speech meant both as a threat and a valedictory, he announced to the Sen- 
ate that during the next week Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida would sep- 
arate from the Union; that a week after Georgia would follow them, to be 
followed shortly by Louisiana and Arkansas. He declared that the day of 
adjustment was past, and that when the members of that body parted, they 
would part to meet again as senators in one common council-chamber of 
the nation no more forever ; and, announcing it as his belief that there could 
not be peaceable secession, he defied the attempt to subdue the revolted 
people to the authority of the Constitution. Couching this defiance in the 
phraseology adopted by the conspirators, he closed his speech with these 
words: "What may be the fate of this horrible contest none can foretell; 
but this much I will say — the fortunes of war may be adverse to our arms; 
you may carry desolation into our peaceful land, and with torch and fire- 
brand may set our cities in flames; you may even emulate the atrocities of 
those who in the days of our Revolution hounded on the bloodthirsty sav- 
age; you may give the protection of your advancing armies to the furious 
fanatics who desire nothing more than to add the horrors of servile insur- 
rection to civil war; you may do this and more, but you never can subju- 
gate us; you never can subjugate the free sons of the soil into vassals pay- 
ing tribute to your power; you can never degrade them into a servile and 
inferior race — never, never, never!" 

This burst of bombastic prophesying, in which, with equal reason, vindic- 
tiveness was assumed as the motive, ruthlessness as the means, and servile 
subjection as the end in view of those who insisted that all should submit 
to the Constitution which all had adopted, and all obey the laws which all 
had had a voice in framing, was received with an uproar of applause in the 
galleries, which were filled with the sympathizers with disunion, who swarm- 
ed then in Washington and for a long time afterward. The outcries and 
confusion were so disgraceful, that even Mr. Benjamin's friends on the floor 
of the chamber were ashamed, and Mr. Mason, of Virginia, moved the clear- 
ing of the galleries, and the Senate immediately adjourned. Thus the peo- 



[1861. 



^ 

















^r / l^-u_ ~^. zUJ a^ju jfc ^ ~6-e*- <£^r /$a*. 




pie of the United States saw the year close upon them in turmoil, gloom, 
distress, and weakness, which had opened upon them united, happy, pros- 
perous, and powerful. 

With the beginning of a new year a new attitude was assumed at Wash- 
ington. President Buchanan, no longer daring to stand before the country 
as an accomplice by default in the conspiracy against the republic, at last 
made some show of an attempt to preserve the existence and exert the 
power of the government of which he was the head. It was high time for 
him to do so. The purposes of the conspirators developed themselves rapid- 
ly ; and it became clear that they aimed not only at secession, but at usurp- 
ation, by the occupation of the national capital, the possession of the archives, 
and the consequent recognition of their faction as the government of the 
United States, to the exclusion of the free states, except such as it should 
suit them to admit to a share of their stolen privileges. 3 And it should be 
always remembered that they labored constantly under the supposition, at 
first not entirely unfounded, that there was a large, if not a controlling par- 
ty in the free states who looked with favor upon their movement, and who 
would give to them a moral, and perhaps a material, support. They threat- 
ened that the President elect should never be inaugurated ; and some of them 
even went so far as to avow a belief that they would be able to reconstruct 
the Union in their interest, with the omission of the New England states. 
That they were grievously in error, all their fellow-citizens, except their 
Northern accomplices, knew in their inmost hearts; but few then knew how 
deeply that feeling was rooted, and how strongly nourished, which they sup- 
posed would wither away in the first heat of adversity; and in forming 
the plan of a new republic, from which New England should be excluded, 
they must have left out of their calculation the significant fact that New 
England had mostly peopled the Northern states, and had entirely given 
them their moral tone and intellectual character. Such, however, were their 
plans; and Mr. Buchanan found that it was no longer safe for him to fail to 
interpose such checks upon their execution as a decent regard for the duties 
of his high office demanded. Lieutenant General Scott was called into con- 
sultation with the cabinet, in which General John A. Dix had replaced Mr. 
Cobb, and Postmaster General Holt, an able, patriotic, and honorable Demo- 
crat, had been charged with the functions of the War office. Measures were 
taken for the military protection of the capital by the organization of 
the militia of the District, and tho 
concentration of a few regular com- 
panies of artillery ; and means were 
sought of increasing the garrisons of 
the principal forta in the slave states, 
and particularly those in the harbor 
of Charleston. But for the latter ob- 
ject the time had long passed, and 
even for the former it proved to be 
almost too late. The steam frigate 
Brooklyn, just arrived at Norfolk 
navy yard after a three years' cruise, 
was almost the only national ship of 
any consequence manned and equip- 
ped, and within reach of the govern- 
ment. She was ordered not to dis- 
charge her crew, and to remain in 
readiness to sail with a smaller ves- 
sel at an hour's notice. The pur 
poses of the government got wind 
immediately, and reached the ears of 
the secessionists. At Norfolk they 
prepared to seize the ships should 
they attempt to sail ; at Charleston 
they removed the buoys, obstructed 
the channel, and left the light-house 
darkling. The enterprise was aban- 
doned. But the defense of Wash- 
ington, and the measures necessary 
to insure the inauguration of Mr. 
Lincoln, went on as rapidly as possi- 
ble, under the eye of Captain Charles 
Stone, of the Ordnance corps, to 
whom, at General Scott's recommend- 
ation, was committed the organiza- 
tion of the District militia, which, 
though not numerous, was thought 
sufficient for the emergency. A com- 
pany of marines was sent to Fort 
Washington, fourteen miles below 
the capita], on the Potomac, and the 



**>/:. 






(referral to on p. 31), 



1 From the Charleston Cburier, Feb. ISlh, 18G1. 
"The South 'iii'jht, after uniting, under a new 
confederacy, treat the disorganized and demor- 
alized Northern stales na insurgents, and deny 
Ihem recognition. But if peaceful division cn- 
t ue.<s, the South, after taking the federal capital 
nnd archives, and being recognized by all for- 
eign powers as tho government tie fido, can, 
if they sec proper, recognize the Northern con- 
federacy or confederacies, and enter into treaty 
stipulations with them. Were this not done, it 
would be difficult fur [lie Northern states, to take 
a place among nations, and their Hug would not 
be respected or recognized." 



1801. 



FORT SUMTER 



volunteer military comptinifa of Washington were paraded, inspected, and 
fafTliffaed With ball rartn.ijf'au 

General Scolt, to whom, for mmc-a in r-^ace and war, his conntry owed 
mora than to any other living man, devoted bimtelf to meeting the military 
i lureseen, and for which, if hLs counsels had 
been regarded, the government would have been fully prepared. There b 
no doubt oftbi*, ?.vl tu it ii to believe that all the woes which fell upon the 
republic might have been warded off if he had been listened to, wh<>, at such 
n time, had the best right to be beard. The political sagacity and fare- 
night whi'-b bad made General Scott the great peoo -maker, as well as the 
great - ipi iin oi the republic, had not desert d bun in bis advancing years; 
jni'l be bail, as <arly iu OrtoU.-r 'J.' 1, scd o mcmorandam to the 

Pre idontond tho Secretary of War, in which he set forth the almost cer- 
t.-iin ondcavoi tode tr"'. 1 the Union upon the election oi Sli Lincoln; among 
who " upport i he i not, bat whose election he coold not beliei 
be followed by " nnv iincoirititiitioiinl violmci' or bri.'aeb of law." Such vio- 
lence Or breiieb In 1 , in bis integrity and love of country, rfpanbd ; 

ja0l.flcat.0n of armed insurrection; bat he knew the men of whom he 
wrote, and ho did not believe that they woald wait until they bad cither 

law or rij'ltl mi ibuir ni'lf. In this nnurkable paper he pointed out, with 

lingular sagacity, n* tho event proved, that the Southern people, or those 

who Hpokn iiml iu'Ii-'I I", t.ln'tn, would seize the United States forte within 



• orn.mi. ■. errr*i m ITS, 

yitat iw/yatflbylkr immiarnt Danffll 'Otloht r 30, IfifJO 1 ■■> « I Irruption nf th* Union by Iki Strtf 

■ / ■ i Ui StmtXm Statu. 

To OlfO time, 111" rliilil Of MMMSstlofl may I-' CODDI ill J, iiimI in«(anlly balanced by the correlative 
rlplir, bn ili" part of ili" federal jfniirnmoni, a^nin«t nn interior iuta Of IUM in ro-ejtabltih bj 

|.<in,il mm! .,iv. Il- r-rln r i OOtiOollJ nf lerriturj V— [ I'.il. J '• M'T.ll mi J I'ulilical PUkMOphf, 

Ih.i chapter, J 

(till break ilil* Hl-irliiin Union by whnlcvcr lino nr Unci ttmt political mndnesa may contrive, nnd 
ihoro wo ii lil I- 1 mi hoM .>f raanlilfia the fragments o» onl bj lbs laceration and dctpoiiim of the 
nron). 'ft oflbci mi b n mit, the mtoulnii wan of our Mexi an nalgbbon would, In companion 
>vlil nvilofc mi" in".' ilili'i- |.ii'>. 

A •mull' i ■ rtl I " I ' I- 60 allow III" fin iiim- nl« of ill" gTCal republic la form thcmscNe* inlo 
now oonfadi rni Ii ■, probnMj fbnr. 

All Hi- Iiiiii of .(r mntl.nl ii hi batmen ill" IIQw Union* tUttl not I"? accurately drawn in ndvnncc, 
bill iininj' nf ili-ni approximately may. Thus, looking !■■ nutnriil boundario*. nml comoMn lal if- 
' K (Von lion, nfipf mini)' wantlnga and conflict*, might perhaps, become 



iik .Mm 

I. Tin- To 



orni i. "nil ■ 
Ii". nt tin' 
Virginia m, 
Me. ; l"H »l 
lam of trail 

pnri i.l W« 

coercion, !»■ 



i ii.. 



■ liny in tli" Atlantic. 2. Prom Maryland, nlnnu tho 
..i.-.-i range of mountain*, la rant poini In the cotui 
i tut Poiomnc to ihe wcil or norlhwcet, which U will 
Ron kj Mountains', 



inllo of nil, and tho nmnloing itatea i I.l eoniilluta ihenortheoil eonfod- 

i Albany. 

hi. Mill l»' riimliliTOil itfiniK" llinl m'vcii ■litvi'linlilinjt "tnic* nml pnrM of 
loold l«' placed nit-mi in ii now canfodorncj with OTilo, Indiana, tllioob, 
riili-liiiuu in i. In . 1 l!i ■ (.■!. .i! Korthwcal U tnltrn in con ii i'i- I i.i ii v\ i 1 1 1 ihc 
i i.f i.'iiii."i, i-i i 'l> i. ii | -i Urn in. I ill. r. ii..' to l'ii'.--..i] i|in -trim's on tlio 
in, K. in. i i.i ■ , ■ i \l son, ii d oridenl thai but liul", If any 

i..r. . , u... I.l I.- i. . .1..1 i...inl.r ,," [Inmi; nml I Imvo (iniiltcil ihc Icmpin- 
ihli" janili ntili'li wiiiiM lull I'liut.' I., linn i.nilr.l.'iiu'v— nn appiiiiaf-tv (ni-11 
'nr many genernilona. Ai m Mlaouri, Arkanui, and Hwlsippl, thoy 

miiilli. l,oni>iiiiin«iiiilil lonlru." uillioiil mm Ii ti>lii iliitimi. ninl Aliilniinn, 

M I'.' cniiipii'ti.'.l ill" in -i. v, inter, from tlic nbaoluio need of l'vnuncola fur a 



will, W. r I i-n Li. « -M-- ' 

nnvnl ddpol. 

If I iiiImIh piwmiP M nddrcM lln> Smlh, nml pnrliculiirlv drnr Virjjinin— tn'inu 
' ni" — I ivuiilil all'., tliitml.'lv n-k, Will not your *lm. . I- I. ■ . 



labor !>■»■ |ir.iiliiilili'. under tli" now onler of thing* ihnn under the old ? ' 
nl.lv two liini.lii .1 -l.iv". in nil Ni'l.ravka. or lii" liim.ln.il In nil New Malta 

toke iinm tlililuT would tw « linmn right. And ii it not wise 10 

•> ILillwr l«-«r IIh- 111' ■.. Ii»ti\ 



d vmi employ profit- 
The right, iheD, to 



Tli" IVila 


iiiloti nf Indepondoned proclnimi nn 


deed. Will dl< 


nto thai govern monti long eaiablbl 




1 1'iil-v, t."., l.ii.ili'wn u .1 random 




<- it* dUtlnci from nAtlonal lafimfi 


»lt.' -COIll 


rv to uurl iiie honor of a nation fti 


The oxetti 


nii'iii ilmi innaieni wconloa i« cai 



ni.- lit" '.inn- maxim: "I'radence, in- 
I - | I- i '. tnged for Hghl nnd Irnnnicnt 
■ i ■! inihip, " Ni'ii'i lo jiiir-ue 
ht: ■II, f ml" ncknowledfjca ihut it b 
S Of III intcrratj." 

10 near iiin-i-ci-t *>f a Ri-paM iron's elec- 
tion in ili" prealdonoy. From n^'iiMi ofpronrioij ai naoldier, I nimg taken no port in tho pend- 
ing coutoh, and, w alwan heretofore, menu m -i.ii nway from iin- i-,u«. My ■ympaihlei, bow- 
(rrr, am wild iholJoll and Brent I inkii. With Mr. Lincoln] havo hml nocommiinicationwhat- 
omr, dlroci or Indirect, and haw no rorolloctlon of over bating w*n In- pcrion; but can not be- 
li.'i.i miy unCOIUlUuilonal violence, or breach uf law, in to bo opjirvhciidedfn'mhisadminiMraiiDn 
of the fetleral gotommeni. 

Prom n knowlodgo of our Southern pn mil n lion, it is my *oh'mn ennviclion tbat there is some 
danger of on .■ >, l. i.'i ■ i • .-'m.'-- |i. ■-!■ niiii.iry i.i ■■■.i— inn, in., tin- seiiure of iuine or all nf ilie 
following pOM l '■ ■ ii ! M l'bilip, in 111" Miv.U>i[.pi, bvlon New Orleans, hoihwiih- 

oul i;:iiii"'ii>. I- ii M ng— , below U tbUo, wlthoni n garrioon; Forts I'iekens and M'Rca, Pen- 
laCCja ll.ol-ir, unli .in i laffidi ni | HI loon for ode ; Fort 1'uU.ki. I..|,.iv Siirannnh, without a gar- 
rbou; Foru Uoullrlo and Sumt>*r. I'hurlotoii Harbor, ilie formct wiih nn Ensnfflcionl Korrison, 
and it"- l.uier wiihoiii any; ami Fort M.umv, Hampton Roads, without n nffleknl garrbon. In 
nn opinion, nil these works slionhl !■■ iminediitii'l) -i canboniJ as to make any attempt lo lake 
nnv on" of them, bv innrUa or coy dh ■oiW, ridlcolona. 

With th" army faithful to il> nlli'«bncv, and ihc navy pivbnbly cqnally fo, and with a federal 
utocutlro, for tho uoxl iwtlro monihi l orBnnnc9a mul moderation, which the country has a right 
lo e\|ieel — mvf.r.ifiii* being an il'incnt of pOVCf not lea than nV«,«jj — there b cood irason to 
bope th.it tho dmngni "i kccmIoii nuq be mode to pas anay wiihonl ouo coodici of arms, one 
CXMUlton, or oil" am'*! for troaiOIL 

In the mean time, il i» lasgeaKd that exports should remain as free as at present ; all duties 
h.iw,-ier, on ini|«irts eollecieJ (oiit.-ide of the ciii. -*\. »s such receipts would be needed for the tia- 
tiiiiinl debt, iiivuhil p,'ii>ioni, etc., and only Bltkkl cwntraUind of war be refused admimnce. 
Uui ewn this refusal would tv DSIKCatnrji as the foivgoiug views csehew the iJea of ioT»ding a 
•ecetted state. WwriiLD Scon. 

N.-w \>Vft,lHH,*x^'S>,tSe.l 

Lieutenant Qenenl Scott^ mnecta W the .Secretarr of War to »»y. 

That a top] of In- " Views," e*C, was dispatched to the Piv>ideot yfetenlay in preat haste: 
bm the cop} inieudcd for the Secretary, Utter transcribed (hcrenith\ was not in time for the 
ru.ul. OetMral Scoll wooH K- banpy iflha latter could bontatitnted for the fc*Ti*er. 

Ii will DO Mm ih-it the " Vi,-n-""i'"ly ap(Jy to a case of secession that makes »^ in the pres- 
ent till. m. Tho falling off say of Texas, or of all the Atlantic states, from the Potomac south, 
WW DM Mithiu ihc KOpt of General Scott's prorbiooal remedies. 

It i- hb QplnlftO lhal inStnKtmm should bo girea at once to the commander* of the Barrancas, 
Forts Moultrie and Montw, to be on their guanl against surprises anj rofa A m i t As lo rry- 
tJkir aj.jir\«iT*M. nothing can K- said or done, at this time, without volunteers. 

There is one iregularl company at Boston, one bcrc (at tho Narrows), ooe at Pittsbarp, «ne at 
Augusta, Georgia, and one at ll.it on Rouge — in all five companies only, within reach, to garriron 
or re-enforce the forts mentioned in the '*"V 

General Scoll is all svJicitude fo« the safety of the UnaOBk He is, howerer, not withcal hope 



* la Awls « mi Kmrd ,Mf* xt nr. TV crval al: 
awata*— fc> anil ufectea dcusto -i cooril.sli n .( 
10c Tinw* q=»rw«. 



■ part al ta* SMfe, »ii tie k 



■.._---..; 



their reach even before they had seceded. He recommended the immedi- 
ate garrisoning of all these forts, and particularh- of Forts Mouhn. v 
PickensJ, ami Mli-a, with such a force as to mako any attempt to s- o 

by ooapMle-main impossible; and he suggested that, in on o! - 
commerce should remain unrestrtcjUtl.tmt duties K- ooUecttd on imports by 
forces stationed in forts or ships of war. But, alas! lie was oblig 
mit, in this rcry memorandum, thai for tba deftnaa .•!' thfl dun gnal Rtitt 
which he menlioned, the government had, except the small gar: 
Moultrie ami Monroe, but I of troops within reach, and thoso 

scattered at five posts sciuratcd huDtlredg of miles from oscb otbori an. I, 
sadder sifll, I to send bis patriotie minting and lii.-> wise coon, 

sels to a President who was snpinelj (aithtcn to bis trust, ud to a Sea*- 
il ar who was one of the most nctirs conspirators againil lbs very 
gOTcmmcnt of which he wa.* a member.* General Wool, too, one of tho 
ablest and most honorable soldiers of tho Union, had, as early as tbc 6th of 
D Gem ml Cass, Secretary of State, a letter, in which be 

set forth the imminent peril of th i onnlry, tbc frightful proportions which 
o civil war. inevitable upon seoossion, woold assume, and pointed out lbs 
way in which to avoid it, by linn, decided, prompt, and energetic men 
Among these bo particularly named the immediate increase of ihc garrison 
of Port Moultrie.' Bat Genera] Wool* teller wiw as little heeded as the 



thai all .lancers and dinVuliu-* "ill pa- away wiihonl leaving a Kar or painful rrcvUrciion he- 
hind The S"creia7'» most obedient *nant, \\ s 

0, l-m 

Gntrai IrWa Lttttrt. 

tpt, Daembvlli nan 
Mr nriR Sin,— Smtli f'arolinn, after twenty-wren year*— Mr. tthrti mi, iliun roan — of COO. 
•turn md (nenaaing efforti bj her leaden (.. Indaca hat to wvada, hoi dwarad harwtfotil oftba 
Union | ami tfaka, !.-■. with. ml ihe «liutitr«t mmnK or injustice done her rienjile nu the jiarl nf the 

EOTorntnani of tho Hniie.1 sim». AithouRh »he mar nan nlinl tha rortnuo euiwr, ntuwl hrr 

trra>i.nnl.lc PaltMIM Ro| our llic United Slates Ar-'ii ,1. th« COatODld , I'.-i ■ i! . nil 

I'm. Ln. v. in,.! r*Ort Mimllri.'. -h- it not mil of I hi- 1'nlon r boTOIld ihe |nilo of || ■,■ I mi. .1 

fill. Ooiuull 11 



.|.|..' 



,1 fur 



. Mil 



in,: - ni. Ii. .1 1I1111 he wrmh! not I- able In il.f.-ii.l Kori Moulin 



i M , 



An- 



nifty of 1 
M"iilirn\ 



1 f.iv lu> 



if Kurt Snmtor, wtirrn ho c 
,■ n I.i. h miclit have t *enrre.l if he hod TOnaliy J III ftnl Uoullrtt. 

■ harbor, he bad the right lo .--.•ii l . r r Fort Sumter, an 11 1 * 1... h lha 

■ in. own honor demanded, n Ii lik.-»..,. iiaiod thai anpn hi uloni 

nderoon will bo minimi loahamlfia Fort S in nml nroccum, port 

rbondailon for nn h apprnbm , ; f,. f mnlj ihe Pn ildoni woald 

lie harlmr of Charlaaton lo rcboU. Furl tiumiar riinnnnuda the en- 
..ul.l demolllh Kurt Mmillric. S, luri K n. the t'nii,.| M„i. . t. , ,., 

jowewn'im of ihU fnrt, the Independence of S.uili fnruhim « ill oul, I-- in riniiie, nn-l nut in fact. 
If, howCTCr, it ihoulil (W Wrrondorad lo Booth Carolina, which I ibi not n|i|.rrh.n.l, Iht tmuihttt,) 
indignation or tl,t jy.r itatu leenldbt rmutd biwmd antral Ii would not I- In lha powtl ofanj 

une In n-<Irnin it. /» tnattdoi/i ("'■■ humlt*,l tkvuad ma irou/,1 It in naiB»UI '■' m' ' NRpwmta 
OMaltteko irou/,1 /»/f„j/ If,, I \i„.„ i„i„ ihr hwiti 0/ ill rntmitJ. lie nHiin'd lhal I 1I0 111. 1 1 UggOf 
DU the (baling! Of lha pCOplO. Tlioy nrc alremlv iiilll. ieiillv cxrlled U ill" IIUtDpi 10 dl»>1»p tho 
Union foi do other rcaaon than thnt ihey eonatltuiionallf uerelaad tho mo*l pradoni rigbl con- 

fcrn.il nn them, of VOI Inn for the nOn»n whOID they eonildcrod the moal WOOhj nml hcut i|ualiflnl 
lii 1:1 ihe office i.f Preauli nt. Fori Snmtor, Iherefore, OOghl nut, nml, I pre»mne, will noi !-■ ile- 
llvi r. .1 on r 1.1 s.inb Carolina. 

I not, howoti r, pleading for the free »tntc«, fur the* are nm in danger, tml fur ihe Union 

nml lha prorrTiitiun ui ihu ,uii..n •tiitr-a. ThoMwho Km thowlnd ma* upocl 111 rup the whirl* 
wind, The li-inli-rt of Siiuib Carolina coold not hare notlcod ih«t we Iin in an ■>« .1 iiiiiium 
nnd that all I'li.i.n n.l..in Ii making rapid ilridoi In the march ordfilliailon and froedom U 

lli. , li.ul. ll„ v WODld h.i'i' .I.-. .... p. I ihut the nnnoiiiicemenl of 0T0T1 rlctOTJ obtained I17 tho hem 
Of lha nm lii .<■ tli CentlirT, Oaribaldl, in fnror of Ihe (iprirt-mwil uf Ilaly, 'lid not fail la 1 h . '1 Mr 
erorr Amoricaa hanrt irith joy nml i-ladneni. " Where lil-'cty ilmelU there i* my country," woj 
tin* dcclnruiiuii of the illiL-irioui Fruiikliti. This principle la UM itrooglj Implanted in lha heart 
mul mind of OTcrj tnnn in the free -i..i. ■■> in he lumndtmd bocaoM South Carolina <l. -in ■ It In 

order 10 eMcnd the men of idnvery. Willi nil . hri.litim>e.| Europe nml n.nrlr nil tin . it,Ii/^,| 
world opposed to slavery, are the Souiliem llBlal prcpOfttd 10 ft alida th" hnrrien whirh -In. 1. 1 
nml protect their in-lilulinn« under the l'ml.,1 SuUM gOTarnmenl ? Would the irjiarnlion Of ihfl 
Sinth from ihe North civc trenlcr veuriiv to slu.en than 11 luu now under lha Conalllatlon of 
tho Union? What pOCdrilf would lliey dare fur the return of runaway liana! I Ipprahant] 
nunc; while the number of runawayi would Im Krcatlr niigmenied, and lha ilnluuliin >A Ifhlth 
»1 are holders complain would be increa.vd tenfold. IlOWOTO mm h Indftldaill might eonilemn 
ilaTcry, the froaamtca arc pn-parcd in na-tn in and deftod ti m guanniMd bi lha Cofittltoilon. 

In conclusion, I would nroid the hloody nml dtaolariflg exajopio nf ihe Mexican Male*. I am 
now, nnd furcrcr, in furor of the Union, in pKOtrrrallOTJ, nml the ritfid mainlcnance nf ihe rlghtl 
and intercuts of the ntatcj, individually m 11 ell n» col Ice lively. V.,in», dr., Jiiii.i K. W.-u. 
GtMtrat Hoo/ fo Gtntral ('<«, If/art lt.r r'tiffnnlion of iht tiitrr. 

[PrlrataJ Tr-7. tut «, t»«i» 

Mr nEAR Gkmkrjll, — Old a.Mwintion» nnd former fricnd>hiii unliiee mo I" trotnre to aildrne 
to you a few word! un the state of the coumry. Mv kin ; iialc" becnuae I am not" 

anthorired 10 u.l.lri-. yon officially. 

I have read with pleasure the Pre-idem's Mrwugc. Sowth Carulino «ay» >hc intendi tn learo 
1 ho Union. Her representative* in Conpret** MJ «hc ha* already I. <■ I hi I m n Ii woald wm 
that ihe i* neither to be conciliated nor comforted. / CVart-uad tht KaHtrn fJrparlmnt, which 
includes South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Al.ib.mia, nnd UiarforfppL You know m<- well. I 
have ever been a firm, decided, faithful, nod devoted fri'-nd of my country. If t ran iwl thi fro- 
idrnt to preurr* tht I'nioa, I hope ht ritt rommund my irrrirti. It witl nrxtr th far him or yv to 
hart H'lithington u-ithnt tcery ttar in (it* Union it in ill plant. Therefore, no time ihoald he Inat 
iu ad' 1 tin*; measures to defeat those who on: eonmoiBg; aitain't the Union. Heniuncy or delay 
may be no less fatal to the Union than to the I'rcnident or your own high (landing an a •latciman. 
It wenu lo me (hat troops ihonld be sent to Charleston In man the font in that harbor. V»a 
have ei^hl comianii-.* at Fort 3Iuoroe, Va. Tkrtt or four oflAeit roummrM ih'nUU tni, nikimt 
a iKomnt'i dtlij, to Fart MamltrU. It will save the Union and ihe Fradrjenl mar b tmabte. It 
is said that to send at this time troop* lo tbat harbor woald produce (Treat excitement among the 
profile. That a nonsense, when the people arc as much excited as tbry ran br, and the leaden 
are determined lo execute their long- meditated parpoae of leparaiinp the male from the Union. 
S» lonp as you command the entrance to the city of Charleston, South Carolina can not separate 
benelf from the Union. Do not Leave the forts iu the harbor in a condition tu inituce an nirmix 
to lake possesiion of them. It michi easily be done at this time. If Sooth Carolina should lake 
them, it mipht, as she anticipate*, induce other state* to join ber. 

Permit me to entreat ycrj to arge the President to send at once three or roar enmpanies 'X artil- 
lery to Fori Moultrie. The Union can be preserred, bat ii require* firm, decided, prompt, and 
energetic measnrec on the part of the President. He has only to exert the power conferred on 
him by the Constitution and law* of Congress, and all will be safe, and be will prow Of a civil war, 
which never fails to coil forth oil the baser passions of the human heart. If a separation ihrxild 
take place, too may rest assured blood woald Sow in torrents, followed by potQenee, famine, and 
desolation, and Senator S-ac'infi irrrprtuibk conjtitl riUhr. hrnrnght to a nmeJmiion nrmrjk unmet lion 
it coaii ptsttitlf iare antvipnttd. Let me c-njare y<n 10 save tbe Union, and thereby avoid the 
bliody ami desolating example of the states of Mexico. A separation of the stales will bring with 
it the doclatioo of tbe cotton stotea, which ore uup e eu ared for war. Their weaknesw willbefoand 
in tbe number of their slaves, with bat few of the essentials to carry on war, while the free stotea 
wiD have all the elements mod i"""- 1 * for war, and to a greater extent than any other people on 
the face of the globe- 
Think of these things, my dear central, and sate the eoontry, and (are the proaperoa* Sooth 
frvci pestDence. famine, and desolation. Peaceable secession is not to be thought of. Even if it 
should take place, in three mouth* we woold ha-re a bloody war on crar hands- Very truly yoea 
friend. Jobs £. Wocc 

ac 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1S61. 




Lieutenant General's bad been, and the consequences were just what both 
the military patriots had foreseen and foretold. The government would 
now have gladly followed their counsels, but it was too late. 

At Charleston, on the contrary, alacrity as well as audacity characterized 
all that was done. The return of the South Carolina commissioners from 
Washington with the announcement that the President had refused to hold 
any farther communication with them, gave a new stimulus to the pride and 
the pugnacity of the secessionists. They affected to regard this refusal as 
an insult, and began to lash themselves into fury, but also to take most vig- 
orous measures against the government by which they chose to regard them- 
selves as insulted. They hastened the repairs and the armament of Fort 
Moultrie, commenced the erection of batteries upon Sullivan's Island and 
Morris's Island, two points which commanded both the entrance to the har- 
bor and Fort Sumter ; the commander of Castle Pinekney ordered that no 
boat should approach the wharf-head without permission ; the city was put 
under the prelection of a military patrol, look-out boats were stationed in the 
outer harbor at night, and the telegraph was placed under censorship. All 
the citizens of Charleston liable to military duty were, without exception, 
called to arms. The collector of the port, appointed to his office bv the 
United States government, announced that all vessels from and for ports 
outside of South Carolina must enter and clear at Charleston. The Con- 
vention passed an ordinance defining treason against the state, and declar- 
ing its punishment, which, with a misunderstanding of an old criminal law- 
phrase, ludicrous in itself, but horrible in the vengeful purpose indicated bv 
it, was to be "death without benefit of the clergy." 6 Delegates were ap- 
pointed to attend a convention of seceding states. An appeal was made by 
tho lending newspaper of Charleston to the people of Florida, to seize the 
national forts at Pensacola and Key West, and the capture of the California 
treasure-ships bound northward through the Gulf of Mexico was recom- 
mended. This appeal was addressed to the people of a commonwealth 
which had not yet even gone through the form of seceding from the gov- 
ernment which had bought and paid for the very soil on which they lived I 
With a similar disregard of the proprietary rights of that government, the 
South Carolina authorities forbade the United States sub-treasurer of 
Charleston to cash any more drafts from Washington. But in this respect 
their dishonest move received one honest counter-check, which provoked 
some merriment; for Governor Pickens, writing to the Secretary of the 
Treasury for a balance of $3000 due upon his salary as United States min- 
ister to Russia, received in reply a draft upon the sub-treasury the payments 
of which he had assumed to stop. 

These bold steps were met only by timidity and hesitation on the part of 
the government. If Fort Sumter were to be retained, it must needs be re-en- 
forced. An attempt was therefore made to send supplies and men to Major 



* Tho old penalty of dc.iih without benefit uf clerpv is now, nnd, from the chanced condition of 
thmgs. has b«,, ,,f necessity. ),Mxg obsolete. It had no reference to the attendance of a clergyman 
or minuter ol the Gospel upon the condemned criminal, bat was a barbarous sign of ihc peculiar 
pmilege* of the datgy of the Roman Church, which asserted and maintained a right to try its 
clergy at its own tribunals. When, therefore, a man was condemned and about to be sentenced, 
ho Claimed, .f he could, that he was a clergyman ; and. as proof, offered to show that At could 
rtad, then an accomplishment confined to clergymen. But, as learning, advanced it became nec- 
essary to do away with ihL, ••benefit of clergy." 



Anderson, but in such a shuffling way, and with such a pitiful result, that it 
is a shame to tell the story. A large steam-ship, the Star of the West, was 
chartered, and with a supply of commissary stores and ammunition, and two 
hundred and fifty artillerists and marines, she sailed from New York on the 
5th of January. But, although her destination was Charleston Ilarbor, she 
cleared for New Orleans and Havana, and she did not take the troops on 
board until she was far down the Bay, The attempted deceit entirely fail- 
ed. The Charleston people were fully informed as to the project by some 
of their innumerable spies, who swarmed over the country. The vessel ar- 
rived off Charleston Bar in the middle of the night of the 9th. She there- 
lay to of necessity; for the lights in the light-houses were all out, and tho 
buoys removed. She put out her own lights, and awaited the dawning. As 
the day began to break she discovered a small steamer just inshore of her, 
which, on making the reciprocal discovery, steamed away for the ship chan- 
nel, burning blue and red signals, and sending up rockets as she went. The 
Star of the West followed, with the national flag at her peak, until she was 
within about two miles of both Fort Sumter and Fort Moultrie, when a bat- 
tery on Morris's Island, about half a mile off, not noticed until then, opened 
fire upon her. Another large United States flag was immediately run up 
at the fore, but still the battery continued its fire. Perhaps this surprised 
the officers of the vessel, for before she was headed for the harbor the troops 
were all sent below, so that they could not be seen, no one but the crew 
being allowed on deck ; and it really did seem as if the government of the" 
United States might be allowed to smuggle two hundred and fifty men into 
one of its own fortresses. But the well-informed scceders thought other- 
wise; and as to the flag of their country, they were but too glad of an op- 
portunity for insulting it. So the fire was kept up upon the advancing 
steamer, which soon found herself in a very awkward position. The shot 
were flying over her deck and through her rigging; she had been hit once, 
To reach Fort Sumter, she would be obliged to pass within three quarters of 
a mile of Fort Moultrie, from which already an armed schooner bad put off, 
towed by two steam-tugs. Thus cut off', hemmed in, and fired upon, with- 
out the means of returning fire, the commander of the Star of the West con- 
cluded that, if be persisted, there was no chance of any other event than the 
loss of his vessel and of many lives; and after remaining under fire for ten 
minutes, during which seventeen shots were fired at him from the battery, 
and some from Fort Moultrie, he turned his ship about and headed for New 
York, where he arrived on the 12th, to the great disappointment and hu- 
miliation of all true men, who were hardly less disgusted at this skulking 
attempt than chagrined at its fadure. 7 



' Report of the Captain of the Star of the Wt*L 

Steam-ship Stir of the Wet, New York, Saturday. Jan. 15,1961. 

St. O. Robebts, Esq. : Sir, — After leaving the wharf on the 5th inst., at 5 o'clock P.M., we 
proceeded down the Bay, where we horc to, and took on board four officers and two hnndred sol- 
diers, with their arms ammunition, etc., and then proceeded lo sea, crossing the bar at Sandy 
Hook at 9 P.M. Nothing unusual took place during the passage, which was a pleasant one for 
this season of the year. 

We arrived at Charleston Bar at 1 30 A.M. on the 9th inst., hot could find no guiding marks 
for the Bar, as the lights were all out. We proceeded with cantion, running very slow nnd sound- 
ing, nntil about 4 A.M., being then in four and a half fathoms water, when we discovered a 
light through the haze which at that time covered the horizon. Concluding that the lights were 
on Fort Samter, after getting the bearings of it wc steered to the S.W. for the main ship channel, 



1861.] 



FORT SUHTER. 




HAKPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 




But what did Major Anderson under these circumstances? He behaved 
■with the judgment and firmness which marked his conduct throughout his 
severe trial. It must be remembered that communication had been cut off' 
between Fort Sumter and the main land, and that Major Anderson knew 
nothing of the intention of sending him supplies and re-cnforcements. When, 
therefore, the Star of the West hove in sight of his battlements, she was to 
him merely a merchant steamer entering Charleston Harbor, and having no 
special claim on his protection. His orders were strictly to act upon the de- 
fensive ; but all the little garrison of the fort were on the alert, and he him- 
self stood, glass in hand, upon the ramparts. To his grief, but perhaps not 
to his surprise, he sees the first shot fired from Morris's Island, and he orders 
his shotted guns which bear upon that battery to be run out. A second 
shot, and up goes another flag at the fore. Is this a signal to him? He can 
not tell. Shall he fire upon the assailants? He longs to give the word; 
but he is not attacked; his orders justify him only in self-defense, and to 
fire begins the horrors of civil war. Still the steamer keeps her course, and 
shot after shot is fired upon her. The men at the guns begin to fret, and 
the captain of one begs, " Do let us give them one, sir." " Patient — be pa- 
tient," was the calm reply. But the battery keeps up its fire ; the steamer 
is hit; Fort Moultrie also opens its guns upon her. It is becoming too 
much even for that firm and prudent man to bear, and he is about to give 
the word, when, all at once, the steamer puts about, and makes way out to sea 
as rapidly as possible, and the puzzled commander's doubt is settled for him. 
But, although he was relieved from the necessity of opening fire upon the in- 
surgents at that time, the occurrence was of so grave a nature that it could 
not be permitted to pass unquestioned, or repeated with impunity. Major 



whore we bovo to, lo await daylight, our lights having all been put out since 12 o'clock, to avoid 

As the day began to hreak, ne discovered a steamer just inshore of as, which, as soon as she saw 
us, burned irac Mm.- light and two ted lights as signals, and shortly after steamed over the liar and 
into the ship channel. The soldiers were now all put below, anil no one allowed on deck except 
our own crew. As soon as there was light enough to see, we crossed the Bar and proceeded on up 
the channel (the outer-bar buoy having lici-n taken away), the steamer ahead of us sending off 
rockets, and burning lights until after broad daylight, continuing on her course up nearly two 
mills ahead of us. When wo arrived about two miles from Fort Mmtllrii', Fort Slim tor being 
about the same distance, it masked battery on Murrii's I-land. where there was a red Palmetto (lug 
flying, opened lire ii]>on us— distance about live eiglitb. i.f ;i nub-. II . hmt the American flag fly- 
ing at our Jlag-Uaff at the time, anil soon after the Jim shot hoisted .1 kn/t American ensign at the 
fare. Wc continued on under the lire of the battery for over ten minutes, several of the shots 
going clear over us. One shot just passed clear of "the pilot-house, another passed between the 
smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine, another struck the ship just abaft the fore-rigging 
and stove in the planking, while another came within an nee of earning away the rudder. At 
the same time there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of them tow- 
ing a schooner ( I presume an armed schooner), with the intention of cutting us off. Our position 
nowbeenmo rather critical, as we had to approach Port Moultrie to within three qnarters of a mile 
before wc could keep away for Fort Samier. A steamer approaching us with an armed schooner 
in tow, and the battery on the island Bring at us all the time, and having no cannon to defend 
ourselves from the attack of the vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture or destruc- 
tion, wo would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently wc wore round nad steered down the chan- 
nel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short. As it was now strong ebb tide, and the 
water having fallen some three feet, we proceeded with caution, and crossed the Bar safely at 8 fit) 
A.M., and continued on our course for this port, where we arrived this morning, after a boisterous 
passage. A steamer from Charleston followed us for about three hours, watching our movements. 

In justice to the officers and crews of each department of the ship, I must add that their be- 
havior while under the fire of the hatterv reflected great credit on them. 

Mr. Brewer, the New York pilot, was of very groat assistance to me in helping to pilot the ship 
orer Charleston Bar, and up and down the channel. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Joilv M'Gowah, Captain. 



[1861. 

Anderson, therefore, immediately 
addressed a note to the governor of 
South Carolina, asking whether this 
firing upon an unarmed vessel bear- 
ing the flag of his government was 
authorized, and informing him that 
if it were not disavowed he should 
regard it as an act of war, and not 
permit any vessel to pass within 
range of the guns of Fort Sumter. 
This letter he sent with a flag of 
truce to Charleston. Under the cir- 
cumstances, a flag of truce was per- 
haps proper, and even necessary, 
and doubtless, to a military man, 
the proceeding was a mere formal- 
ity ; but to the people there were 
gloomy shadows in the folds of that 
white, peaceful token. To send a 
flag of truce confessed a state of war 
— of civil war; it recognized the 
existence of a second power in the 
land ; and then what humiliation to 
see an officer of the United States 
army obtaining audience of the gov- 
ernor of one of the states, and one 
of the least important of them too, 
only by virtue of a protection, a 
safeguard ! Governor Pickens, in 
reply, assumed the responsibility of 
the firing, informed Major Ander- 
son that attempts to re-enforce him 
would be regarded as hostile acta, 
and resisted accordingly, and left 
him to decide whether he would 
fulfill his threat as to firing upon 
vessels coming within range of his 
guns. The situation proved to be 
graver, and the case more compli- 
cated, than Major Anderson was prepared to meet without superior orders. 
Of this he informed Governor Pickens, asking permission for the passage of a 
messenger to Washington, which was granted. This incident added greatly 
to the excitement throughout tiic North, where, however, no violence or 
even vivacity of feeling was yet displayed ; but a gloomy, gnawing, fierce 
unrest pervaded the whole land. It was felt that the government had acted 
pitifully, and had been publicly caught in the act; but that Major Anderson 
had borne himself only as became a brave and prudent soldier. In the first 
sentence of his demand upon the insurgent governor, the words " the flag of 
my government" touched the sensitive public heart. lie had been the fust 
to assert the existence of that government among the insurgents and to sup- 
port its flag, and he rose higher than before in public favor. 

While the South Carolina insurgents were conducting their affairs with 
such promptitude, such boldness, and such success, and the government was 
moving with such hesitation into such miserable failure, what was the course 
of events in the country at large? In the slave states the SL'lf-constituted 
leaders of the insurrection were doing their best, by acts of usurpation with- 
out even the shadow or pretense of authority, to bring about a bloody issue. 



bttwttn Major Anderson and Governor Pickens. 

vernor of South Carolina: 

tterics fired this morning on an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of rr 

not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina again 



Cbrrupandei 

To hl3 Excelli-m-v Hid tiinvrn.ir 

Sib,— Two of youi ' 

government. As I hi 

the United States, I can not but think this a hostile act committed without yoi 
thority. Under that hope I refrain from opening a fire on your batteries. I have the honor, 
therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act— one which I believe without ) iir- 
allel in the history of our country or any other civilized government— WAS committed in obedi- 
ence to your instructions, and notify von, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an act of war, 
and I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass 
within the range of the guns of my fort. In order lo save, as far as it is in my power, the shed- 
ding of blood, I beg you will take duo notification of my decision for the good of all concerned, 
hoping, however, your answer may justify a farther continuance of forbearance on my part. I 
remain, respectfully, Bobebt A-sdersos. 

Governor Pickens's Uepli/. 

Governor Pickens, nftcr stating the position of South Carolina toward the United States, says 
that any attempt to send United States troops into Charleston Harbor, to re-enforce the forts, 
would be regarded as an act of hostility ; and, in conclusion, odds thru any attempt to rc-enforco 
the troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and resume possession of the forts within the waters of 
South Carolina, which Major Anderson abandoned, after spiking the cannon and doing other 
damage, can not but be regarded bv the authorities of the state as indicative of any other purpose 
than the coercion of the state by the armed force of the government ; special agents, therefore, 
have been oft" the Bar to warn approaching vessels, armed and unarmed, having troops to re-enforce 
Fort Sumter aboard, not to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders ut 
the forts not to fire 011 such vessels until a shot across their bows should warn them of the prohihi- 
lion of the state. Under these circumstances, the Star of the West, it is understood, this morning 
attempted to enter tho harbor with troops, after having been notified she could not enter, and con- 
sequently she was fired into. This act is perfectly justified by me. 

In regard to your threat about vessels in trio harbor, it is only necessary for me to say, yoo must 
lie the judge of your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by the author- 
ities of tho state ; and while the act of which yon complain is in perfect consistency with the rights 
and duties of the state, it is not perceived how 'fir the conduct you propose to adopt can find a par- 
allel in the history of any country, or lie reconciled with any other purpose than that of your gov- 
ernment imposing 011 the state tliu condition of a conquered province. F. W. Pickexs. 
Second Communication from Major Anderson. 
To liL- E»*llcnry Governor Pickena : - . ' 

Sin,— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication, and say that, under 
(he circumstances, 1 have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my government, and in- 
tend deferring the course I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington 
of such instructions as I may receive. 

I have the honor also to express tho hope that no obstructions will bo placed in the way, and 
that you will do mo the favor of giving every facility for the departure and return of tho bearer, 
Lieut. T. Talbot, who is directed to make the journey. Roheut Akdebjo.i. 



1861.] 



FORT SUMTER. 



*3 



On the 2d of January, Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, took possession of 
Fort Macon, at Beaufort, the forts at Wilmington, and the United States 
Arsenal at Fayettcville ; and on the same day Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, 
was seized by the order of Governor Brown, of Georgia. At Mobile, the 
Alabama secessionists demanded and received possession of the United States 
Arsenal, thereby securing 1500 barrels of powder, 300,000 cartridges, besides 
arms and other munitions of war. They also seized upon Fort Morgan, at 
the entrance of Mobile Bay, and garrisoned it with two hundred Alabama 
militia. All these forts and arsenals fell into their hands without resistance ; 
for so benign and peaceful was the government against which they revolted, 
that its very military posts were left entirely without military protection, 
in the mere keeping of a corporal and his guard. Of this absence of pro- 
tective force, the secessionists of North Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama avail- 
ed thernsel ves ; this trust of the whole nation in the honor of all its constitu- 
ent parts, they abused before they had even nominally dissolved the bonds 
which bound them to the government of the United States. Of the bor- 
der states Virginia alone showed a readiness to swell the ranks of the in- 
surgents. At Norfolk, almost within the very precincts of a great govern- 
ment naval station, a meeting was held on the 5th of January, at which 
speeches were made and resolutions passed urging resistance to "coercion 
and invasion" — the favorite phrases by which thoroughly disloyal men des- 
ignated the maintenance of its power by the government. But this dispo- 
sition was not yet general even in the eastern part of the state; and the 
governor, in a message to the Legislature in special session, condemned South 
Carolina, although he defied the United States. 




The people of the northern tier of slave states, forming the border line 
between freedom and slavery, spoke out strongly for the Union, or remain- 
ed in a state of quiet but anxious expectation. In Baltimore five thousand 
substantial citizens addressed a letter to Governor Hicks, approving his re- 
fusal to convene the Legislature of Maryland, which measure was advocated 
in the interests of the secessionists; and the governor replied to the com- 
missioner from the State of Alabama, who had solicited the co-operation of 
Maryland, that he regarded co-operation between the slave states as an in- 
fraction of the Constitution, which he, as Governor of Maryland, swore to 
support. He declared that the people of that state were firm in their friend- 
ship for the Union, and would never swerve from it; that they had seen, 
with mortification and regret, the course taken by South Carolina ; because, 
in their opinion, it was better to use the Union for the enforcement of their 
rights, than to break it up because of apprehensions that the provisions of 
the Constitution would be disregarded, and they would cling to it until it 
should actually become the instrument of destruction to their rights, and 
peace, and safety. There were then a few secessionists in Maryland at both 
extremes of the social scale; but the great bulk of the thrifty and intelli- 
gent people of the state found their feelings and their opinions expressed for 
them in this letter of their governor, who also spoke the convictions, at that 
time, of a large body of conservative men throughout the slave states. A 
like reply was given by the Legislature of Delaware to the commissioner 
from Mississippi, who approached them with like proposals. The condem- 
nation of the course of tbe seceding states by the people of Delaware was 
prompt and unqualified. But around the Gulf secedcrs were more numer- 
ous, and had obtained absolute control of public affairs. In Georgia, in 
Florida, in Alabama, and in Mississippi, the Legislatures, or the Conventions 
which they had called, moved rapidly and steadily on to the business of the 
disruption of the republic ; and in the Senate of Missouri, the Committee on 
Federal Relations was instructed to report a bill calling a state convention. 
A series of outrages upon the national military posts and property accom- 
panied these more deliberative movements, and illustrated their spirit. In 
North Carolina, Forts Caswell and Johnson were taken possession of by the 



militia and other persons living near them. On the 11th of January a par- 
ty of Louisiana militia seized upon the United States Marine Hospital, about 
two miles below New Orleans, which contained over two hundred patients, 
all of whom who could leave their beds were turned out immediately. At 
Pensacola, a body of Florida and Alabama militia appeared before the gate 
of the navy yard, and demanded possession. The officer in command, hav- 
ing no force to resist the demand, yielded his post of necessity. Fort Bar- 
rancas was also taken possession of in like manner. The navy yard con- 
tained over one hundred thousand dollars worth of ordnance stores. The per. 
petrators of this outrage had the assurance to send word to the government, 
through their senators, that it was the consequence of the re-enforcement 
of Fort Pickens, and to propose a restoration on both sides of the status quo 
ante bellum ! The claims of science, beneficently devoted to the interests of 
all mankind, were not recognized as a safeguard, and the United States 
Coast Survey schooner Dana was seized on the 15th, by order of the state 
authorities of Florida. The freedom of commercial intercourse was equally 
disregarded by the Governor of Mississippi, who planted artillery at Yicks- 
burg, on the banks of the river, to stop, for examination, all steamers passing 
southward. This arbitrary interruption of the traffic of that great water 
highway of the continent did much to open the eyes of the people of the 
Western and Northwestern country to the consequences of the disruption of 
the Union. At Augusta, the United States Arsenal was surrendered to the 
militia of the place upon the demand of the Governor of Georgia. 

In most of these cases the forcible seizure of the nation's property on the 
part of states took place before those states had gone through the formality 
of passing an Ordinance of Secession. But it was not long lacking, this home- 
made salve for wounded honor. The Mississippi Convention passed the or- 
dinance on the 9th of January, Alabama on the 11th, Florida on the 12th, 
Georgia on the 19th, and, to look forward a few days, Louisiana on tbe 28tb, 
and Texas on the 1st of February. In Mississippi there were fifteen dis- 
senting voices; in Florida, only seven against sixty-two; but in Alabama 
there were thirty-nine nays to sixty-one yeas ; and in Georgia itself, secession 
was openly denounced and voted against by eighty-nine of the delegates, 
among whom were Alexander n. Stevens and Herschel V. Johnson, the Dem- 
ocratic candidate for the vice-presidency at the last election, and Judge Lin- 
ton Stevens, of the Supreme Court. It is important to observe how large a 
proportion of the people, and what eminent and influential citizens, in some 
of these states, were so earnestly opposed to secession that, in spite of the at- 
tempts by social exclusion, browbeating, deceit, and even actual violence, to 
bring about unanimity, thoy boldly declared themselves against it. Of the 
evidence that the leaders and'-active instigators of the insurrection would 
not permit that free expression of public opinion through the ballot-box 
which alone could have excused, though it would not have justified their 
acts, some should be placed directly upon the pages in which the story of 
this woeful time will be told with candor, and with as much good feeling 
as comports with justice. There is no lack of it. "It is a notable fact" 
(the " Southern Confederacy," of Atalanta, Georgia, says this), " that, wher- 
ever the 'Minute-men,' as they are called, have had an organization" (they 
were armed vigilance committees), "those counties have voted, by large 
majorities, for immediate secession. Those that they could not control by 
persuasion and coaxing, they dragooned and bullied by threats, jeers, and 
sneers. By this means thousands of good citizens were induced to vote the 
immediate secession ticket through timidity. Besides, the towns and cities 
have been flooded with sensation dispatches and inflammatory rumors, man- 
ufactured in Washington City for the especial occasion. To be candid^ 
there never has been as much lying and bullying practiced, in the same 
length of time, since the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, as has been 
in the recent state campaign." The doctrine of state sovereignty, which, 
in the face of the solemn teachings of the Southern fathers of the repub- 
lic, the Calhoun school had so long and so ceaselessly poured into the 
ears of Southern people, now served the purpose for which it was intend- 
ed, and men submitted to a state ordinance which set at naught the Con- 
stitution, and sought to destroy the Union, as they would have obeyed 
a law with regard to any minor matter of daily life. Only in this man- 
ner was this insurrection made possible. But even under these circum- 
stances the leaders of the movement did not dare to submit tbe Ordinance 
of Secession to the people for confirmation, except in one state, Texas, which, 
it is worth while to observe, was the only one of the states which had a sov- 
ereign independent political existence before it became merged in the Union. 
It is needless to notice farther the forcible appropriation of national forts, 
arsenals, and ships by state authority. But in one instance tbe exertion of 
" sovereign" state authority was accompanied by incidents which were mark- 
ed with the character of the time. To understand this, we must turn our 
eyes northward, and observe what was passing this while in the loyal free 
and slave states. 

Tbe promptitude and vigor of the insurgents was not imitated more by 
the people of the loyal states than by the government with which they kept 
their faith. From the nature of man and man's institutions, this was to have 
been expected. Revolutionary and destructive forces, unless they fail mis- 
erably at the very outset, must always act more quickly and more vigor 
ously than those which protect that which they would overturn and destroy 
For an essential element of established power is a vis inertia:, the very dis- 
turbance of which, even for the purpose of resistance, is not only the first 
task, but, if accomplished, the first triumph of revolution. Established gov- 
ernment rests upon the basis of a strong tranquillity; and revolution, 
which seeks to displace established government, can accomplish its pur- 
pose, even if it controls an equal body, only by adding movement to its 
weight, thus attaining momentum. The loyal people and the government 




From Hupert WteiSj. 



u 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL "WAR. 



[1861. 



of the United States wished to allay disturbance and to prevent a struggle; 
therefore, when they did any thing, they confined themselves to mild, but, 
as they then thought, firm repressive measures. They did not yet see that 
the business before them was not one of restraint, but of extinction ; that 
they must destroy the power they feared, or be destroyed by it. So it is 
even in minor matters of police. Half a dozen riotous, reckless, liquor-mad- 
dened men will give employment to twice their number of policemen, acting 
under the authority of law and under a sense of responsibility, and, if not 
put down at once by the strong hand, may peril the peace of a neighborhood. 
The insurgents having openly defied the government, seized its forts, its 
arsenals, and its armed vessels, and established themselves in force, the peo- 
ple of the loyal states began to think that it was almost time for them to 
begin to think about beginning to do something. So meetings, decorously 
enthusiastic, were held in New York, in Boston, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, 
Chicago, Portland, Trenton in New Jersey, Wilmington in Delaware, and 
elsewhere, at which many laudable patriotic sentiments were uttered, and a 
sense of" the value of the Union" was strongly expressed (as if the exist- 
ence of the nation and the government was a thing or an interest by itself, 
which was to be priced like goods or railway shares), and the administration 
was assured of the willingness of the people to support it against the insur- 
gents. On the other hand, that the purposes of the loyal people might not 
be misapprehended, abolition demonstrations were interfered with; as at 
Rochester, in New York, where a meeting of abolitionists was broken up, 
amid cheers for the Union, General Scott, and Major Anderson ; and where 
a bauner, with the inscription " No compromise with slavery," had to be taken 
down. In Boston, Mr. Wendell Phillips, the apostle of abolitionism, having 
avowed himself, as he had often done before,. "a disunion man," expressed joy 
at the secession of the Gulf states, and denounced the compromise spirit of 
Mr. Seward and Mr. Charles Francis Adams, was hissed and booted, and fol- 
lowed home by a great crowd of excited people, from whom he was protect- 
ed by policemen. The Legislature of New York, by resolutions, denounced 
secession, avowed a determination to support the national government, and 
offered men and money to the President. In the Massachusetts Legislature 
like resolutions were passed, and with them a bill increasing the militia of 
the state. On the 15th of January Major General Sanford offered the serv- 
ices of the whole first division of the militia of New York, which was under 
his command, for the support of the authority of the government. But it 
is worthy of note that there was some, though very trifling, objection to this 
offer, and to the general's right to make it. 

Thus far, however, though much had been said at the North, nothing bad 
been done as a set-oft' to the "activity and audacity of the insurgents at the 
South. When, at last, something was attempted, it was not by the govern- 
ment, or even by state authority. The seceders had, from the beginning of 
their movement, busied themselves in buying arms and munitions of war in 
Northern cities as well as in Europe. Muskets, sabres, powder, percussion 
caps, and even cannon, were shipped to them from Northern ports, where 
the traffic in arms was the only branch of trade not paralyzed by the polit- 
ical disturbances. With this traffic an officer of police, John A. Kennedy, 
Chief of the Metropolitan District of New York, took the responsibility of 
interfering. He seized and detained several cases of muskets about to be 
shipped to Georgia. Information of the seizure was telegraphed to the con- 
signees, and immediately there came back a dispatch from Mr. Toombs to 
Fernando Wood, Mayor of New York, containing a query as to the act 
and a threat as to its consequences. The reply of the mayor was one of 
exculpation and abject submission to the insurgent demagogue, to whom 
he said that if he bad the power he would punish Kennedy. 9 Georgia 
at once retaliated, and in a most effective manner. The governor seized 
and held by military possession two barks, two brigs, and a schooner, ly- 
ing in the harbor of Savannah, and belonging to residents of New York, 
and sent on word that they would be held until the arms were released. 
The Governor of New York replied that the seizure had been unauthor- 
ized, and that the arms should be given up. The vessels were then re- 



Corrcsjxmilwc between Senator Toombs and Mayor Wood. 

Miiitaecviiiu, 



Tj hi* Honor Mayor Wood : 
Is it true That any anin intended for a 
by public authorities in New York? You 
at once. 



isigncd to the State .,f Georgia have been seized 
er is important to us and to New York. Answer 
K. Tonims. 



To this tlie Mayor returned the following nnswer: 
l[on. Itouert ToorntM, MIH.-lgovlUo, On. : 

In reply to your dispatch, I regret to say that arms intended fur nnd consigned 10 the State of 
Georgia have been seiiod by the Police of this suite, but that the city of New York should in no 
nay be made responsible for the outrage. 

As mayor, I- have no authority over the Poliee. If I had the power, I should summarily pun- 
Uh the authors of this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of private property. p,. RN - tir 

10 Spredt ofJrJftTton Davit on leaving the Senate. 

I rise for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactonr evidence that the 
State of Mississippi, by solemn ordinance in convention assembled, has declared her separation 
from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions terminate here. It 
has seemed to be proper that I should appear In the Senate anil announce that fact, nnd to say 
something, though very little, upon it- The occasion does not invite me to go into the argument, 
nnd my physical condition will not permit it, yet something would seem to be necessary on the 
part of the state I here represent, on an occasion like this. It is known to senators who have 
served here that I have for many yeurs advocated, as an essential attribute of state sovereignty, 
the right of a state to secede from the Union. If, therefore, I had not believed there was jusli- 
-if I had thought the state was acting without sufficient provocation — still, under my 






theory of government, I should hnvc felt bound by her action. I, however, may say I ihink she 
had justifiable cause, and I approve of her nets. I conferred with the people before that act was 
taken, and counseled them that, if they could not remain, they should take the net. I hope 
none will confound this expression of opinion with tho advocacy <.f the right of n slate to remain 
in the Union, nnd disregard its constitutional nl>|i K iiii<>nn by mil I incut ion. Nullification nnd se- 
cession are indeed antiiu"UMie principles. Nullification is ibe remedy which is lo be sought and 
applied within the Union against an agent of the United States when the agent has violated con- 
stitutional obligations, and the state assumes to act for itself, and appeals to other states to support 
it. But when the states themselves, and the people of the stales, have so acted as to convince us 
that they will not regard oar constitutional rights, then, nnd then for the first time, arises tlio 
question of secession in its practical aoplication. That great man who now reposes with his fa- 



leased, and made sail quickly from Savanuah. But there being some dif- 
ficulty and delay in releasing the arms, the Governor of Georgia seized 
three other vessels, a ship, a bark, and a brig, all owned in New York, and 
detained them until the arms were placed again at the disposal of their Geor- 
gia consignees. In these relative attitudes we shall always find the parties 
to this struggle : on the side of the insurgents, a determination to gain their 
point by any means, right or wrong, at any cost, and without hesitation ; 
and on the part of the government, a reluctance to violent measures unless 
driven to them by sheer necessity. 

At Washington, the House of Representatives, not until ten days had 
gone by, passed a resolution approving of Major Anderson's change of posi- 
tion, and assuring the President of support in the enforcement of the laws 
and the preservation of the Union, but nothing more momentous was at- 
tempted. In the cabinet, Secretary Thompson, of the Interior, on learning 
the attempt to supply and garrison Fort Sumter, resigned his portfolio ; and 
on the 15th of January, Colonel Eayne, a commissioner from South Caro- 
lina, and attorney general of the state, demanded the withdrawal of the 
troops which were in the fort. On being requested to submit the demand 
in writing, he sent in a proposal to buy the fort, with the declaration that 
" if not permitted to purchase it, South Carolina would take it by force of 
arms," a safe threat against a work already engirdled by batteries, and con- 
taining not quite fourscore fighting men. On the 20th of January, the sen- 
ators from Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi, among whom was Jefferson 
Davis, withdrew from the Senate. The latter made a parting speech, not 
resigning, but taking leave of the senators, on the ground that, as his state 
had passed an Ordinance of Secession, he had no longer a right to sit in bis 
seat Looked upon as one of the ablest men of his party, and as a politician 
of determined purpose, and little scruple as to the means of attaining a po- 
litical end, his retirement attracted more attention than that of any other se- 
ceding member of Congress. His speech was listened to with profound at- 
tention, and at the close of it, all the Democratic senators crowded round him 
and the other seceding senators, and shook hands warmly with them. 10 Just 
a week after the withdrawal of the man who was to assume so prominent a 
part in the rebellion, another, also to be heard of again in the annals of the 
period, ex-Secretary of TVar Floyd, was presented for indictment by the 
grand jury of the District of Columbia on three findings: malversation in 
office, complicity in the abstraction of the Indian Trust Fund Bonds, and 
conspiracy against the government. But he had taken himself well out of 
reach of grand juries and marshals, and he wisely kept so thereafter. The 
original members of Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, with the exception of General 
Cass, who retired early, and Mr. Attorney General Black, who was honor- 
able and loyal, brought disgrace upon themselves, upon his administration, 
and the country ; but one of its new ministers, General Dix, Secretary of the 
Treasury, was the first member of the government to assert its authority, in 
a manner which met the expectations and called forth the sympathies of the 
people. The revenue cutters of the United States are, of course, in the keep- 
ing of the Secretary of the Treasury, and under his orders. Among those 
which were exposed to the peculiar practices of the insurgents, with regard 
to the property of the "common agency," were the Lewis Cass, at Mobile, 
and the Robert M'Clelland, at New Orleans. General Dix had not been at 
the head of the Treasury Department four days when he sent a special agent 
to those ports to save those vessels by ordering them to New York. Hav- 
ing reached New Orleans, the agent delivered the secretary's order to Cap- 
tain Breshwood, of the M'Clelland, who, after consultation with the collector 
of the port, flatly refused to obey it. Upon this the agent telegraphed for 
instructions to the secretary, who telegraphed back orders for the arrest of 
the captain by the lieutenant of the cutter, and his treatment as a mutineer 
if he offered any resistance, closing the order with the memorable words, 
"If any one attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the 
spot." This dispatch was intercepted both at Mobile and New Orleans, 
where the insurgent leaders had already placed the telegraph under super- 
vision, and so did not reach the agent of the Treasury Department. The 



tliers, who has been so often arraigned f< >r waul of fcuhy to the Union, advocated the doctrine of 
nullification because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deep-seated attachment lo 
the Union that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which lie chiimcd would give 
peace within the limits of the Union, and not disturb it, aad only 1*.- the means of bringing ihe 
agent before the proper tribunal of the slates for judgment Secession belongs to a different class 
of rights, and is to be justified Upon the Uisis that the states are sovereign. The time has been, 
nnd I hope the time will come again, when a belter appreciation of oar Union will prevent any 
one denying that each state is a sovereign in its own right. Therefore I sny I concur in the act 
of my state, and feel bound by it. It is by this confounding of nullification and secession that the 
name of another great man has been invoked to justify the coercion of a seceding stale. The 
pbrn.se "to execute the law," as used by General Jackson, wns applied to a state refusing to obey 
the laws and still remaining in the Union. I remember well when Massachusetts WM arraigned 
before the Scnnte. The record of that occasion will show that I said, if Massachusetts, in pursu- 
ing the line of steps, takes the hist step which separates her from the Union, the right is hers, nnd 
I will neither vote one dollar nor ono man to coerce her, but I will say to her, "God speed!" 
Mr. Davis then proceeded 10 argue that the equality spoken of in the Declaration of Independence 
wns the equality of a class in political rights, referring to the charge against George III. for in- 
ching insurrection as proof that it bad no reference to the slaves. But we have proclaimed our 
independence. This is done wilh no hostility or tiny desire to injure any section of ihe country, 
nor even for our pecuniary benefit, but from the high nnd solid foundation of defending nnd pro- 
tecting the rights wo inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our posterity. I know I feel 
no hostility to you senators here, and nm sure there is not one of you, whatever may have been the 
sbnrp discussion between us, to whom I can not now say, in the presence of my Hod, I wish you 
well. And such is the feeling, I nm sure, the people I represent feel toward those whom you rep- 
resent. I therefore feel I but express their desire when I say I hope nnd they hope for those 
peacefal relations with you, though we must part, that may be mutually beneficial to us in the fu- 
ture. There will be pence if you so will it, nnd you may bring disaster on every part of the coun- 
try if you thus will have it. And if you will have it thus, wo will invoke the God of our fathers, 
who delivered them from the paw of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the t*-nr; and 
thus putting our trust in God, nnd our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vini'tcnto and 
defend the rights we claim. In the course of my long enreer, I have met with a great "arioty of 
men here, nnd there hnve been points of collision between us. Whatever of offense mere has 
been to me, I leave here. I carry no hostile feelings away. Whatever of offense I Iihvo given, 
which hnH not been redressed, I lim willing to sny to senntors in this hour of parting, I offer you 
my apology for any thing I may hnve dune in the Semite; and I go thus released from obligation, 
remembering no injury I have received, nnd having discharged what I deem the duty of man, lo 
offer the only reparation at ibis hour for every injury I have ever indicted. 



1661.1 



FOKT SUMTER 




eradicate this love. An officer of the 
car, received from a. rebel officer, whose 
:tit to the confederate colors which float- 
nr was to fire upon the old flag." This 



1 Slavery, secession, and slate sovereignty could ni 
United Stales, taken prisoner after the war had lasted 
quarters he vi-iicJ, the confession that he had no attach 
ed nlwive ihcm, and that " the hardest thing about tin- 
incident is known to the writer on private information. 

3 Mr. W. Hemphill Jones, tbe special agent of the Treasury Department) made a report to Sec- 
retary D ix, from which iliv following passages arc taken; 

Hew Orleans, Jnn. 59, 1S01 

Sin,— You are hereby directed to get the. United States revenue cutter M'Clclland, now lying 
here, under way immediately, and proceed with her to New York, where you will await the fur- 
ther instructions of the Secretary of the Treasury. For my authority (o make this order you are 
referred to the letter of the Secretary, dated the 19th inst., and handed you personally by me, 
Very respectfully, VCh. Hemphill Justs, Special Agent. 

T'.' i[it. .1. (.. i;r.-]]Tool,oromnndlDEU. S. Itoraouc Cutler lloticrl M'Ucttnnd. 
Breshwood conferred with Collector Hatch, of New Orleans, and then returned the following 
answer, flatly refusing to obey the order: 

U. S. Revenue Cutter Rnbort M'Cloluin.1, How Orloon., .Tnnunrj B9, 1861. 
Sin, — Your letter, with one of tho 13th of January from the. lion. Secretary of the Treasury, I 
have duly received, and In reply refuse to obey the order. 



o. Hemphill Jonca, E«i., Fpeclal Agent 

Believing that Captain Breshwood would not hai 



ir, your obedient st 
John G. Bkesiiwooli, Capia 



t of in- 



jntured upon this most posiiivi 
subordination and disobedience of his own volition, I waited upon tho collector at the custom- 
house, und had with him a full and free conversation upon the whole subject. In the course of it, 
Mr. Hatch admitted to me that he had caused the cutler to be brought to the city of New Orleans 
by an order of his own, dated January 15, bo that she might Ik? secured 10 the State of Louisiana, 
although at that time the state had not only not seceded, but tho Convention had not met, and, 
in fact, did not meet until eight days afterward. This, I must confess, seemed to me a singular 
confession for one who at that very' time had swom to do his duty faithfully as an officer of tho 
United States; and, on intimating as much to Mr. Hatch, he excused hiinsHfon the ground that 
in theso rcvolnliuus all other things must give way to the force of cireum Stances. Mr. Hatch like- 
wise informed me that the officers of the cutter had long since detonni 1 to abandon tlieir alle- 
giance to the United States, and cast their fortunes with the independent Slate of Louisiana. In 
order to test the correctness of this statement, I addressed another communication to Captain 
Breshwood, of the following tenor -. 

Now Oilcan.-, Jnnunry 59, 1S01. 

Sin,— By your note of this date I am informed thnt you refnso to obey the orders of the Honor- 
able Secretary of the Treasury. As, on accepting your cum mission, you took und subscribed an 
oath faithfully to discharge your duties la tho government, and, as you well know, the law has 
placed the revenue cutters and their officers under the entire control of the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, I request you to udvin: me \vhcth< r you consider yourself nt this time an officer in the service 
of the United States. Vvry respectfully, Wa. Hemi-uill Joufcfl, Special Agent. 

To UtpULn Brtthwood. 



cutters were thus lost to the government; but the 
publication of the intercepted order, a few days after- 
ward, sent an awakening thrill through the public 
heart in the loyal states, which, after the dull op- 
pression caused by the course of affairs at Washing- 
ton thus far, was worth ten times the value of the 
vessels. Dear as his country's flag is to every true- 
hearted man, it is dearest of all to the citizen of the 
United States; for it is not only the symbol of his 
nationality, but the standard under which that na- 
tionality was achieved, beneath whose folds the fa- 
thers of the Revolution fought, and suffered, and died; 
and besides, it is the only outward and visible sign 
with which he, having no hereditary master, can con- 
nect his idea of patriotism, to which he can be loyal ; 
it is the representative to him of the government of 
which he forms a part, of the eternal principles of lib- 
erty, and justice, and Divine benevolence upon which 
that government is founded, and of the noble land of 
which be ever thinks with love and pride. What 
the crown, the king, and the flag together are to an- 
other man, the flag alone is to the citizen of the re- 
public. It is the rainbow of hope and promise in his 
sky, and his heart leaps up when he beholds it. 1 So, 
when Secretary Dix's order was made public, there 
was an outcry of joy all over the land; it was felt 
that the honor of the flag bad at last found a defend- 
er in the government, A second impulse was given 
to tbe popular feeling which first broke forth when 
Major Anderson entered Fort Sumter, and which was 
to receive its highest exaltation when he was forced 
to leave it. The shameful fact must needs be record- 
ed here, that both these revenue cutters were pur- 
posely brought within tbe power of the authorities of 
Alabama and Louisiana, before their secession, by tbe 
collectors of Mobile and New Orleans, who were tbe 
sworn officers and business agents of the government 
of the United Stales. 8 About the same time the Mint 
and the Sub-treasury of New Orleans, with all the 
public money they contained, together with private 
deposits, were seized by the secessionists of that city. 
The six Gulf states and South Carolina having now 
passed Ordinances of Secession, and seized all the na- 
tional forts, arsenals, mints, custom-houses, and ships 
within their reach, a convention of their representa- 
tives was held at Montgomery, tbe capital of Alabama, 
for the purpose of forming a joint provisional govern- 
ment, or " common agency," to take the place of tbat 
from which they had withdrawn themselves and what- 
ever was within their reach. Texas passed its Ordi- 
nance of Secession on the 1st of February, and on the 
4th the Convention of the seceding states organized it- 
self with Howell Cobb, only a few months before Sec- 
retary of the Treasury of the United States, as presi- 
dent. In four days they had named themselves " The 
Confederate Suites of America," adopted a Constitu- 
tion, and formed a provisional government, of which 

Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was president, and Alexander H. Stephens,' 

of Georgia, vice-president. 



r to observe that the order is 



To this letter I never received anv reply. I then repaired again on hoard the cutter, and asked 
for the order of tbe collector bringing her to New Oilcans. The original was placed 
session, of which the following is a copy. And hero H may be prop 
written and signed by the collector himself: 

Cmlom.liou-c. Sew iirl.Mii', i ■■■ll'-<-|.-r'* "rfitp, Jan. 15, 1601. 

Sin,— You are hereby directed lo proceed for.hwuh under sail to ihi- city, and anchor the ves- 
sel under your command ..pposito the United States Marme Hospital shove Algiers. Very re- 
spcctfully.yourobcdumtSBmnt, „ , „_ „ „ _ - *■ »- ' Utc ». Collector. 

To Copula J. G. uro.-lnvo.-i, Valtcd Stale Rovoduo Culler BPCIallMd, Southwest Pou, La. 

Defeated at New Orleans, Mr. Jones then took his way to Mobile, to look after the Lewis Cass. 
Her captain (Morrison! could not be found, but Mr. Jones discovered in the cabin tho follomog 
luitL-r, which explain- the tur render of that vessel : 

EIMo of Aluhiimn, Col loci or'.- i irtVc, M<-M!<\ .tnnuary 3D. 1=01. 

Sin —In obedience to an ordinance recently udoplcd by a convention of the people of Alabama, 
I have to require you to surrender into my hands, for .he use of the -late, th, revenue cutter Lewis 
Car* now under vour cnmin.md, together w.th her armaments, properncs, und provisions on board 
the hamc I ani'instructed aUo to notify run that you have the r.piioii to continue in command 
of the said revenue cutter, under ihe authority of the Stale t.f Alabama, in the exercise of the 
-line duties that vim Inve hitherto rendered to the United Slates, and at the same compense""" 
reporting to this office and to the governor of the suite. In surrendering the vessel to the 
you will furnish me «iih a detailed imvniurv of its armaments, provisions, and properties of 
description. You will receive special instructions from this office in regard to the dunes yr 
be required to perform. I await your immediate reply. 



the state, 

TV 

111 



To J. J. Morrijon, E*q , Cnptnln Revenue I 

Upon Cnptnin Brushwood's refusal I 
lowing telegraphic correspondence onsu 



U .1 Lie, A 



obey the order of the Secretary of the Treasury, the fol- 



ic! : 



Now o 



C^V^lxA^rtuKl^&M "Tiling, to obey nny instructions of the i department 
In this I am sure he is sustained by the collector, and believe acts by Ins advice What must I 
do? ' W. II. Josts, Special Agent. 

To this dispatch Secretary Dix immediately returned the following answer, before published : 

Treasury Department, Jin. 29, 1S0L 

W. Ilumphilljone*, Nor Ortmna: . - , . „i__ .,,. 

Tell Lieut, Caldwell to arrest Copt. Breshwood, assume command of Ihe cutter, and obey the 

order through you. If dipt. Breshwood. after arrest, undertakes to interfere wuh Ihe cornmaiici 

of the cutter, tell Li.midildwvlHo consider him as a mutineer and treat him accordingly. If 

any one attempts to haul down the American (lag, -A t him on tho spot. 

1 * John A. Dis, Secretary of the Treasury. 



46 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861, 



Probably no better choice of men for president and vice-president of the 
rebellious confederacy could have been made if as many months as there 
were days bad been spent in the selection. Jefferson Davis was not a states- 
man, not even a high-toned politician ; but he was a cool, astute, adroit po- 
litical manager. He was not a man of either great military capacity or ac- 
quirement ; but he was a good soldier, and a daring, determined commander. 
His temperament fitted him for such a bad eminence as that to which he 
had been raised, and it seemed as if his whole life had been but a training to 
fit him for its functions. Born in Kentucky in 1808, he had been brought 
up in Mississippi, of which state bis father, a planter and a Revolutionary of- 
ficer, became a resident while it was yet mere territory of the United States. 
He was thus familiar from his earliest youth with the men of the Southwest, 
where were gathered the most desperate, lawless, loose-lived of the citizens 
of the republic. During his youth, and long after he had entered vigorous 
manhood New Orleans was the social sink of the Union, and Vicksburg but 
a by-way to the bottomless pit. Toward* "tfi at corner of the Union, swept 
down by the resistless current of commerce, emigration, and adventure 
flowing between the banks of three mighty rivers, tended all the scum and 
sediment of an ever-moving population, to seethe and fret, in a vitiated trop- 
ical atmosphere, into moral pestilence. Parents in the well-ordered, well- 
instructed, God-fearing commonwealths of the North and East, whose sons 
went thither upon commercial ventures, saw not even in rapidly -accumu- 
lated wealth a recompense for the contamination of the very few years that 
sufficed to acquire it; and, parting with them, almost gave them up as lost. 
There both life and fortune were held by precarious tenure. There gam- 
bling was the general occupation, and bloody assault the social distinction 
of a "gentleman." There drunkenness, in a greater or less degree, was re- 
garded as the normal condition of any creature who had intelligence above 
the brute; though a lapse into sobriety, when palliated by the temptations 
of great gain, was looked upon as venial. There a dialect of ingenious and 
elaborate blasphemy, half-savage slang, and abominable filth was made tol- 
erably intelligible to strangers, who were accustomed only to the ordinary 
phraseology of the English race, by the occasional introduction of words of 
which necessity and the idioms of our language compelled the use. There 
statute law and common law were rarely enforced, except against an op- 
pressed and degraded race ; but the judgments of Lynch courts were pro- 
nounced witli incorruptible austerity, and executed with inexorable cer- 
tainty and swiftness. Such was the genera] tone of society in Mississippi 
and the surrounding country during the first thirty or forty years of this 
century; but above this general level, yet descending occasionally to it and 
resting upon it, was a small class of planters, who, with a very few pro- 
fessional men, and merchants of the more honorable sort, possessed all the 
little moral worth and intellectual culture of the region; and to this Mr. 
Davis belonged. But in such a community — a community whose moral 
sense was blunted by the presence of a class whom every member of every 
other class might oppress with impunity — even the men whose motives were 
jusi and whose tastes more or less refined, were obliged to maintain their 
position by a certain conformity to the social habits, and a certain assump- 
tion of the defiant bearing, of the men around them. Few men can live 
from early youth to mature manhood among desperadoes without acquiring 
something of their desperation — at least a familiarity with desperate issues. 
Among such a people Jefferson Davis passed his life until he went in 1824 
as a cadet to West Point. Thence he graduated with honor in 1828, and 
was, at his own request, assigned immediately to active service with Colonel 
Zachary Taylor, afterward general and president, but then engaged in fron- 
tier warfare at the "West. On the rough and adventurous battle-field of the 
borders, the future insurgent leader so quickly distinguished himself that 
upon the formation of a new regiment of cavalry he obtained in it his com- 
mission as first lieutenant, in which position he did good service against the 
Indians, and, it is said, made a warm friend of the well-known chief Black 
Hawk while he was held a prisoner of war. After seven years of active 
frontier service Mr. Davis resigned his commission, and in 1835 became a 
cotton-planter in Mississippi, diversifying the dull routine of Southern agri- 
cultural life with political studies. When the Democratic party nominated 
Mr. Polk for president, Mr. Davis canvassed, or " stumped" the state on his 
behalf, was made presidential elector to vote for him, and in 1845 was elect- 
ed a member of the House of Representatives, where be soon proved him- 
self in debate an active and energetic supporter of the measures of his party. 
He took bis place in the front rank of the extreme advocates of slavery and 
state sovereignty. Upon the breaking out of the Mexican war he was elect- 
ed colonel of a Mississippi rifle regiment, and resigned his seat in Congress 
for a post of honor in the field. Here he again distinguished himself by bis 
coolness and determination, and at the battle of Buena "Vista rendered such 
efficient service at the head of his regiment, where he remained throughout 
the day, though badly wounded, that General Taylor praised his conduct 
highly in his dispatches. His term of service having expired, he returned 
home, but was met on his way by a commission as brigadier general of vol- 
unteers, sent to him by President Polk. Almost any other man would have 
at once accepted such an honor. But here was an opportunity for an ex- 
hibition of a sort of perverse, pertinacious consistency in pushing the doc- 
trine of state sovereignty to the last extreme, and of giving a civil rebufFto 
the government at Washington. Colonel Davis bad been commissioned as 
a Mississippi volunteer; and, although he was in the service of the United 
States, under command of a general in the regular army of the United 
States, and paid by the United States, he was yet not to be insulted as a 
Miasissippian by being made a general of brigade by the President of the 
United States; and so be declined the commission, on the ground that its 
bestowal was an infraction — well meant and pardonable, perhaps, but still 



an infraction — of the sovereignty of the "republic" of Mississippi! — a poor, 
struggling, debt-repudiating commonwealth, created by an act of Congress 
of the United States, and sparsely peopled by such emigrants as could best 
be spared from the older commonwealths of the same great nation. But 
still, ridiculous as it was, Mr. Davis made his point. 

One of Mississippi's senatorial chairs at Washington being casually vacant 
in 1847, Mr. Davis was appointed by the governor of the state to fill it; and 
this he did so much to the satisfaction of his constituents that he was twice 
re-elected to the same position. In the Senate-chamber be attained the repu- 
tation of a ready, dexterous, and fearless debater, and a clear-headed, ener- 
getic man of business. His views of the superiority of state authority to 
that of the central government grew stronger as he grew older. It was in 
the nature of the man that they should. His notions of state responsibil- 
ity for pecuniary obligation were brought into unpleasant notoriety during 
his senatorsbip by the position which be took in regard to the repudiation 
of her bonds by Mississippi. This he defended, and his sneer at " the croc- 
odile tears which had been shed over ruined creditors" excited sorrow at 
home and indignation abroad. 3 In 1851 be resigned his seat in the Sen- 
ate to be nominated Governor of Mississippi as the representative of the 
party in that state which held his principles; but, having been defeated by 
Henry S. Foote, the candidate of the Union party, be retired into private 
life for a year. In 1852 he electioneered for Mr. Pierce, the successful pres- 
idential candidate of the Democratic party, who acknowledged his services 
and his capacity by calling him into bis cabinet as Secretary of War. In his 
new position he showed great activity and energy. He added to the coast 
defenses, improved the manufacture of arms and ammunition, and intro- 
duced the French light infantry tactics — wrongly styled Hardee's — into the 
army. Leaving the cabinet when Mr. Buchanan entered the White House, 
he returned to the Senate-chamber, where he remained until the Ordinance 
of Secession was passed by Mississippi, when, his doctrines of state sovereign- 
ty having accomplished the purpose for which they were devised, in com- 
pliance with them, he withdrew. 

Mr. Davis owes his position purely to intellectual ability and to tenacity 
of purpose. He is not, like Toombs, a boaster and a bully of the fire-eating 
school; but he has a cool and almost serene audacity, which accomplishes 
his ends at least as effectually as noisier methods, and in a manner much 
better suited to his taste and his temperament. His nature is not rich, 
his soul not magnanimous, or bis mind either strong or subtle. He influ- 
ences men neither by convincing nor by winning them. His talent is that 
of clear perception ; his power, that of nervous energy ; and these are di- 
rected by an inflexible will. While other men pause over their scruples, 
and endeavor to reconcile their purpose and their conscience, be strikes di- 
rectly at success. Devoid alike of enthusiasm and of sentiment, be yet 
knows the exaltation of entire commitment to a great purpose. His body 
is spare; his brain large; bis face attenuated and purely intellectual in ex- 
pression; his manner placid and precise, but decided. He could not have 
aroused the storm of insurrection, but he is just the man to guide its de- 
structive energies. 

In bis character and his career, the man who was elected to the second 
place in the insurgent provisional government is very unlike him who holds 
the first. Alexander H- Stephens was born in Georgia in 1812, of parents 
in very humble life. Deprived, alike by the poverty of bis family and the 
polity of his state, of the means of obtaining that grammar-school education 
which no child in the free states need ever be without, bis career might have 
been obscure (it could not have been dishonorable or mean) had not the 
quickness of his parts attracted the attention of observant friends, who 
kindly supported him at school and at college, and during the first struggles 
of a professional career. He was admitted to the bar, and soon fully justi- 
fied the judgment of his benefactors. It was not many years before be was 
able to gratify that love of home which distinguishes the English race no 
less in America than in Great Britain, and repurchased the small planta- 
tion of two hundred and fifty acres on which he was born, and which had 
necessarily been sold on his father's death. The possessor of sucb a free- 
hold as Mr. Stephens's father had owned, in almost any other country than 
the slave states of America, would not have been without the means of send- 
ing his boy to school ; but there, the children of men who, without capital 
either in money or in slaves, till so comparatively small a tract, wander 
about barefooted and bareheaded, and are given up to low associations. 
From 1837 to 1842 Mr. Stephens was a member of the Georgia Legislature, 
and in 1848 be was elected to the House of Representatives as a candidate 
of the old Whig part}'; but when that party, shaken to its already under- 
mined foundation by the early throes of the convulsion which was to up- 
heave the nation, fell into ruin, he took refuge in the Union wing of South- 
ern Democracy. Of feeble frame, wasted by disease, and with a voice like 
the shrill pipe of an adolescent lad, which, indeed, he almost seemed to be, 
he yet soon attained distinction in Congress as a sound thinker, a skillful 
and eloquent debater, and a clear-headed, bard-working committee-man. 
His character, both as a politician and a man, is above reproach : the purity 
of his motives has never been impeached by friend or foe. It was as a law- 
yer, a legislator, and an orator that he won bis reputation. He has no ex- 
ecutive ability, or power to lead men into action. The cast of his mind is 
deliberative and argumentative. As we have already seen, he resisted se- 
cession to the very last; but when his state, or the majority of its residents, 
passed an Ordinance of Secession, be submitted ; and, bound hand and foot 
by the doctrine of state sovereignty, was delivered over into the hands of 
the very faction whom be had so ably and so courageously opposed. They 



1 Sco his letter to the Washington Union, and the just animadversions upon it in the London 
TTmwof July 13th, 1840. 



1861.] 



FORI SUMTEE. 




* Constitution of the Confederated Slates. 

The Preamble reads as follows : 

"We, tlia deputies of ihe sovereign and independent states of South Carolina, Georgia, Flor- 
ida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, invoking ihe favor of Almighty God, do hereby, in be- 
half of thesu states, ordain nod establish this Constitution for the provisional government of the 
sarae, to continue one year from the inauguration of the President, or until a permanent constitu- 
tion or confederation l-ciween the said states shall lie put in operation, whichsoever shall first occur." 

The seventh section, first article, is as follows : 

"The im |« 'rutin ii nf African negroes from any foreign country other than the slaveholding 
Blates of the Utiitcd Stale* is hereby forbidden, and Congress is required to pass sut.-h laws us shall 
effectually prevent the same." 

Article second: "Congress shall also have power to prohibit the 
any state not a member of this confederacy." 

Articlo fourth of the third clause of the second section says r 

"A slave in one state escaping 10 another shall be delivered up, 
whom said slave may belong, by tlie executive authority of the ' 
found ; and in case of any abduction or forcible rcscn " ' 
the slave, and all coats and expenses, shall be made 
duclion or rescue shall lake place," 



introdut 



i of slaves from 



a the claim of the party to 
a which such slave may be 
I, full compensation, including the value of 
o the party by the state in which such ab- 



1 JNAUGUUAL ADDRK9H OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. 

Gentlemen of the Cnni/rcss of the GoaftdetaU Stairs of America, Friends and Fellow- Citizens: 
Called to the difficult and responsible station of chief executive of the provisional government 
which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned me with an humble 
distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining coulidcTicc in I lie wisdom of those who uro to guide 
and aid mo in tho administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriot- 
ism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a permanent government to 
take the place of thin, and which, by its greater moral ami physical power, will be better able to 
combat with tin; many dilliculii' s which arise fnun the eon II i cling interests of separate nations, I 
enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning 
of our career as a confederacy tuny not be obstructed by hostile opjuisilion to our enjoyment of the 
separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and which, with tho blessing of 
Providence, we intend to maintain. 

Oar present condition, achieved in a maimer unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates 
the American iden that governments rest upon tlie consent of the governed, and that it is tho right 
of the people to alter and aludi-li government.- whenever they Income destructive to the ends for 
which they were established. The declared compact of the Union, from which wo have with- 
drawn, was to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, pro- 
mote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and 
when, in the judgment of the sovereign states now composing tins confederacy, it has been pervert- 
ed from tho purposes for which it was ordained, and censed to answer tho ends for which it was 
established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that, so far us they were concerned, tho 



made him vice-president, and he did not feel at lib- 
erty to resist their will. By the election of these two 
men, the insurgent leaders appealed directly to both 
classes of the people whose fortunes they had taken 
into their hands. The election of Jefferson Davis 
satisfied entirely the fire-eaters and uncompromising 
secessionists; and that of Mr. Stephens attracted to 
the new government the men of moderate views, who 
were still attached to the Union. Each man, too, 
was put into his proper place: the former where his 
varied experience of life, his military knowledge, and 
his executive ability would be called into play; the 
latter into a nominally executive office of all but the 
highest rank, but where his duties were really to 
preside over the deliberations of a legislative body. 
Soon after his elevation to this office he delivered 
a speech which was even more remarkable than that 
in which he endeavored to stay the movement toward 
secession, and to which there will be occasion to re- 
fer hereafter. Could reason, sanctioned by the char- 
acter and upborne by the influence of a blameless and 
beloved man, have checked the madness of secession, 
Mr. Stephens's first effort would have checked it; 
but that proving impossible, bo lent the same mental 
gifts and the same personal beauty of character to 
the support and adornment of a cause which he had 
not at heart. 

With regard to a Constitution, the labors of the 
Convention were light and short: they adopted the 
Constitution of the United States with a very few 
variations, Of these, two only — the admission of ab- 
solute state sovereignty, involving the formation of 
the new government by states and not by the whole 
people, and the recognition of slavery as normal 
throughout the confederation — were the only radi- 
cal differences between the new Constitution and that 
from which its framers had revolted.* And as to the 
last, it worked no practical change, because tbe abso- 
lute inviolability of slavery, as of every other local 
institution not inconsistent with the Constitution of 
the United States, was secured by that instrument 
itself. Thus their very organic law became a wit- 
ness forever against those men who had undertaken 
tbe destruction of that which the vice-president of 
their confederation himself called "the most benefi- 
cent government the world ever saw." It showed 
that the reason of their rebellion was, not that they 
were in danger of losing any political right or per- 
sonal privilege, not that they were in danger of be- 
coming slaves, or even that their slaves were in dan- 
ger of becoming free men, but merely that the inter- 
est of slavery had ceased to be dominant in the re- 
public. Unanimity of feeling and unity of action 
marked the proceedings of this Convention, and of the 
government which was formed by it, though not of 
the people of whose destinies it had assumed control. 
But the government none the less exhibited immedi- 
ately that promptness and decision which had mark- 
ed the movements of the insurgent leaders from the very first. On the 
18th of February Jefferson Davis was inaugurated provisional president; 3 



government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right 
which the Declaration of Independence of 1770 defined to lie inalienable. Of the time and occa- 
sion of its exercise they, as sovereigns, were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, en- 
lightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude nf our conduct, and Ho who knows tho 
henrts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve tbe government of our 
fathers in its spirit. 

The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the states, and which has been affirmed and reaf- 
firmed in the Bills of flights of the states subsequently admitted into the Union of 1763, undenia- 
bly recognises in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purpose* of gov- 
ernment. Thus the sovereign states here represented proceeded to form this confederacy; and it 
is by tho abuse of language that their act has been denominated revolution. They formed a new 
alliance, b'lt within each state its government has remained. The rights of person and property 
have not Leon disturbed. The agent through whom (hey communicated with foreign tuitions is 
changed, but this dues not necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by tho 
consciousness that the transition from (he firmer Union to the present confederacy has not pro. 
cceded from a disregard, on our part, of our just obligations, or any failure to perform every con- 
stitutional duty, moved bv no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to culti- 
vate peace nnd commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to nvoid war, we may nt least ex- 
pect that posterity will acquit ns of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the ab- 
sence of wrong on our parr, and by wanton aggression on (he pari of others, there can be no eanso 
to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will bo found 
equal to any measures id" defense which soon their security may require. 

An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every 
manufacturing country, our true policy is pence, nnd the freest irnde which our necessities will 
permit. It is alike our interest, and that or all those to whom we would sell and from whom wo 
would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable restrictions upon the interchange of com- 
modities, There enn be but little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating com. 
munity, such as the Northeastern states of the American Union. It must follow, therefore, that 
mutual interest would invite goodwill ami kind offices. If. however, passion or lust of dominion 
should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of those state-, we must prepare to meet tho 
emergency, nnd maintain by the final arbitrament of the sword the position which wo have as- 
sumed among the nations of the earth. 

Wo have entered upon a career of independence, nnd it must bo inflexibly pursued through 
ninny years of controversy with our late associates of ihe Northern slates. We have vainly en- 
deavored to secure tranquillity and obtain respect fur the righls to which we were entitled. As a 
necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, nnd henceforth our energies 
must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and tbe perpetuity of tho confederacy which 
we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our 
separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this bo denied 



48 



HAEPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE dVTL WAR. 



[186]. 



and by the 20th he had formed his cabinet, in which Mi'. Toombs had the 
Department of State, Mr. Memminger that of the Treasury, and Mr. Pope 
Walker that of War. Thus, in three months and two weeks from the elec- 
tion in which the people of these seven states had taken part, they had been 
hurried into secession, had been provided, by the summary process of seiz- 
ure, with fifteen forts, an immense amount of arms and ammunition, large 
sums of money and several armed vessels, had drilled thousands of troops, 
had a Constitution and a provisional government bestowed upon tbem, 
which government had put its administrative machinery in working order. 
In fact, nearly all these things were ready at their hand; they had only, as 
individuals, as states, or through a "common agency," to take them. An 
insurrection under like favorable circumstances the world never saw before. 
The insurgent government found itself, however, not only jealously re- 
garded by some of the most important slave states, but with a large and out- 
spoken opposition in some of the very states by which it had been formed. 
From the small state of Delaware little aid could have been expected, and 
hope of that little was entirely given upon account of that state's unqualified 
devotion to the republic. Maryland and Kentucky were loyal by very large 
majorities. The former was under loyal rule; and, although the governor 
of the latter (Magoffin) was a secessionist, his hands were so tied by his con- 
stituents that he could not yet give any aid to the insurgent cause. At- 
tempts to force Tennessee into rebellion had failed; and in the eastern part 
of the state the whole population was devoted to the Union. Of the people 
of Missouri a large majority also were unwavering in their allegiance to the 
Constitution and the flag. Virginia was busying herself to bring about a 
compromise and a restoration of the power of the government by amend- 
ments to the Constitution, and to that end she made propositions to South 
Carolina, who spurned them in a scries of resolutions, one of which was, 
"That the separation of South Carolina from the federal Union was final, 
and she has no farther interest in the Constitution of the United States." 
In South Carolina there appeared to be almost an entire unanimity of feel- 
ing. There were many who were still loyal, but they comparatively were 
so few in number that they were quite overborne and practically extin- 
guished. Only one man of them felt that his position warranted him in 
speaking out his loyalty. The name of John S. Pettigru, a venerable and 
much-esteemed resident of Charleston, where he gracefully occupied the 
highest social position, will always be held in honor as the one faithful 
among the many faithless to the republic in that city. The rector of the 
Episcopal church at which he was an attendant having, after the act of se- 
cession, omitted the President of the United States from the Collect for 
rulers and all in authority, Mr. Pettigru rose and left the church, thus silently 
protesting in the face of the congregation against the omission. It is said that 
only the veneration in which he was held secured him impunity in this oppo- 
sition to the seceding party ; but it is much to be deplored that all who were 
like-minded with him throughout the slave states were not, like him, bold 
and constant in their assertion of their loyalty and their love for the republic. 
The course of events would thereby have been greatly changed. But in oth- 
er states of the new confederacy there was not only devotion to the Union, 
but speech and action in its support. When, after the Louisiana Convention 
had passed the Ordinance of Secession, her senators, John Slidell and Judah 
P. Benjamin, withdrew from Congress with insult and defiance on their lips, 
one of her delegates to the House of Representatives, John E. Bouligny, de- 
clared in his place that he would not withdraw, and that he would live by 
and die for the flag under which he was born. In Frankfort, Alabama, the 
.state in which was the capital of the rebel confederacy, a meeting was held. 
at which not only was a resolution passed sustaining the delegates of that 
district in their refusal to sign the Ordinance of Secession, but it was declared 
that secession was " inexpedient and unnecessary," that those present were 
"opposed to it in any form," and that "the refusal to submit the so-called 
Secession Ordinance to the decision of the people was an outrage upon their 
rights and liberty, and manifested a spirit of assumption, unfairness, and dic- 
tatorship." And, finally, it was resolved, that if the congressional nominee 
of those who took part in these proceedings were elected, he should repre- 
sent them "in the United States Congress, and not in the Congress of this 
so-called ' Southern Confederacy.' " 6 In Georgia itself, and in the very cap- 
ital of the state, a leading journal, assuming, of course, to speak strongly in 



inilcd, it 



urn f..r n 



us, and ihc integrity of our territory nnd jurisdiction bo a 
firm resolve to appeal to arms, nnd invoke the Weeing of F 

As a consequence of our new condition, nnd with a view to 
necessary to provide a speedy and efficient organization of the 
ment having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, m 
For purposes f.f defense the Confederate Suites may, under or 
upon their militia; but it is deemed advisable, in' the preset 

should be n well-Instructed, disciplined nnny, more numerous thnn would usually bo required 
a peace i establishment. I aLso suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on 
the high wis, lt navy adapted to lb,..-.,: objects will be required. The*: necessities have, doubtless 
ene^cd Hi- ait. nti-m nf Congress. ' 

With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far a* it is explanatory of their 
ntent, freed from sectional couth, -is, which have interfered with the pursuit of the 
""l to expect that the states from which we have recently pan. 
.„ ... ours, under the government which we have instituted. For 
tin. your < ..nst.ioi,,,,, makes adequate provision, bat beyond this, if I m.stake not, the judgment 
nndvv.l of the people are, that union with the state, fn.m which „,, v have separated S" 

™X nor ^ Ir *. 7° in^r- 1 , ,hr I '«. <'"™'"P <»" «-»™, «»'! promote the h.npi' 

ness of the confederacy, it n requi-ue there should be so much ho,„,.c; itv that the welfare of 

s w ;''' M ; ',"" :,"' ■"' ;'"' ,vl1 " 1 " W1,tre ,his ,lu - n -' ™ i < <»»w™™ ™ in- 

tier. ■! w no h must and should result in separation. 

flra^'r'rM M r' ! rV d f ! 2 ""' ''T'"' °" r 0W " "'" hta nnd ,0 nromoW 0llr <"™ ™W<>™. ««> »!>■ 

nrul „n „1 ihc ( ,„,fc,|c m i,. Stat,, has l„,. n marked l,y no aggression upon others, and followed bv 

d,m.-nc convulsion. Our industrial pursuits hove received no click, the cultivation of Our 

leldj ,. ..gr.:-;,., as heretofore, and even should we be involved in war there would be no cont'd- 

riu.le aim, nut, , , „ product. on or the staples which have coiisiitnlcd our exports, In which 

1 1„„ T " ,m6 "," "" ercsC ™ ml ' v lc!8 " ,nn ™' ° wn - This common interest of pro. 
dicer and consumer cm only I* intercepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its trans- 

coZerc^lTn^esui'oad 10011 ^ *""*** Vhkh «««" »» dulrimontal to manufacturing and 



the Southern interest, openly opposed the union of the fortunes of the state 
to "a confederacy of disorganizing charlatans" and "chimerical schemers-" 
admitted that the greatest danger to the new confederacy was threatened 
not from the North, but from its own people ; and warned its readers that 
indications were daily growing stronger that " organized, if not armed oppo- 
sition to the new order of things might arise in states or parts of Southern 
states not vitally interested in the slavery question." 7 Other manifestations 
of the same kind appeared in various quarters of the confederacy ; and on 
the floor of Congress, in both houses, many members, chiefly from Virginia, 
Maryland, and Kentucky, uttered boldly their devotion to the fortunes of 
the republic. But in the Legislature of North Carolina, where no Ordi- 
nance of Secession had yet been passed, and not even a convention called 
a most significant resolution was unanimously adopted. It was declared 
that if reconciliation failed, North Carolina would go with the- other slave 
states. This was a hardly needed indication of the line of policy to be pur- 
sued by the insurgent leaders, if they would strengthen their confederation 
by the accession of all the slave states. So, while within their own states 
intimidation, intrigue, social exclusion, and all possible moral and physical 
forces were brought to bear with increased urgency upon those who opposed 
secession, a belligerent attitude was at once assumed toward the government 
of the United States, in order, as we shall see, to make reconciliation speed- 
ily appear impossible, that thus the movement of the halting Northern slave 
states toward secession might be quickened. Enticements of a peculiar kind 
were also spread before the people of those states. The importation of negro 
slaves, except from the slaveholding states in the Union, was forbidden in 
the Constitution, which also, in the next section, gave the Confederate Con- 
gress power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any state not a 
member of the confederacy. Thus foreign prejudices were conciliated by 
the forbidding of the African slave-trade, and the old market was still offered 
to Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, for the slaves they bred; 
while, at the same time, the power to exclude any one of them from that 
market, unless they joined the confederacy, was held up in terror over them. 
The rebel Congress also immediately passed an act declaring the navigation 
of the Mississippi free. This was addressed to Kentucky, Tennessee, and 
Missouri, and to the free states upon the great river and the Ohio, hi" the 
hope of detaching their interest from that of the Eastern and Middle states 
and thus weakening the power of the government at Washington. 

Meantime, arming, and the seizing of arms, and the betrayal of forts and 
armed vessels, went on almost as matters of course in the seceded states, and 
in some of those which had not seceded. On the 8th of February the 
United States Arsenal at Little Rock, containing 9000 muskets, 40 cannon, 
and a large supply of ammunition, was seized in the name of the people of 
Arkansas, who had not yet declared their separation from the Union. In 
Texas a more important surrender was accompanied by circumstances much 
more disgraceful to all concerned in it, and to the cause in the interest of 
which it was made. The troops in that stale were under the command of 
Brigadier General David E. Twiggs, to whose custody were also committed 
the forts and all the military property of the United States in that depart- 
ment. General Twiggs had served creditably in Mexico, but with no par- 
ticular distinction, and had attained his rank in the regular course of pro- 
motion. He was supposed to be at least a man of personal honor and in- 
tegrity ; but, availing himself of his position, and the trust which had been 
placed in him, he, not being threatened by an overwhelming force, deliver- 
ed all the army posts under his command, together with all the other prop- 
erty in his keeping, into the hands of the rebellious authorities of Texas. 
Property worth over a million and a half of dollars, exclusive of the forts 
and public buildings, for which he was responsible as a man, aside from his 
military oath, was by his treachery lost to the United States. He, of course, 
expected his connection with the army of the United States to cease; but 
he was not permitted to resign, as many officers had been before him : an 
order for his ignominious expulsion from the army was issued immediately 
upon the receipt of proper information by the government at Washington. 
But he did not find all his subordinates ready to obey the orders by which 
he betrayed his trust. Captain Hill, who was in command of Fort Brown, 
refused to surrender that post, and made preparations to _ defend it; but, 
finally, as it appeared that it could not be held by the force under his com- 



ShouJd reason enido the action of the government from which wo have separated, a policy so 
detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern stales included, could not l„> dictated bv even a 
stronger desire to inflict injury upon us; but if it be otherwise, n terrible responsibility will rest 
upon it, and tho Suffering of millions will boor testimony to the folly and wickedness of our ag- 
gressors. In the nienn time there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies before sug- 
gested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of an enemy. 

Experience in public stations of a subordinate grotto to thhl "Inch your kindness has conferred 
bus tnught me [hut care, and toil, and disappointments arc the pi ice of" official elevation. You will 
see many errors to forgive, many dclici, -aeica u tolerate ; but vou shall not find in me cither want 
of /.enl or fidelity to tho causo that is to me the highest in hope nnd of most enduring affection. 
Your generosity bus bestowed upon me nil umti - m. I ili-iim tion, one whuh I neither sought nor 
desired. Upon Ihc continuance of that sentiment, nnd npon y.ur wisdom and patriotism, I rely 
to direct nnd support mo in the performance of ihc duties required at my hands. 

Wo bnve changed tho constituent pans, but not the -ystcin of our government. The Constitu- 
tion formed by our fathers ie thnt of these Confederate .Stales. In their exposition of it, and in tho 
judicial construction it baa received, we have a light which reveals its trno meaning. Thus in- 
structed as to the just interpretation of that instrument, and ever remembering that nil offices arc 
bat trusts held for the people, nnd that delegated powers arc to be strictly construed, I will hope, 
by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I may disappoint vuir expectation, yet 
to retain, when retiring, something of the good-will and coinid'euce whi, I, w ill welcome my en- 
trance into office. 

It is joyous in ihc midst of perilous limes to look around upon a people united in heart, when 
one purpose of high resolve nnimntes and actuates the whole, where the sacrifices to be made arc 
not weighed in the balance agninst honor, right, liberty, nnd equality. Obstacles mny retard, but 
they can not long prevent the progress of a movement sanctioned by iis justice nnd sustained by 
n virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke ihc Hod of our lathers to guide and protect us in our 
efforts to perpetuate the principles which bv His blessinp thev were able to vindicate, establish, nnd 
transmit In their posterity ; nnd with a continuance of His favor ever gratefully acknowledged, wo 
may hopefully look forward to miccCss, to pence, to prosperity, 

■ Report in the North AlaOamian, Tuscurabin. ' Augusta Sentinel 



'861.] 



FOET SUMTER 



49 




mand, lie yielded it in a manner entirely honorable to himself both as a 
man and a soldier. The promptness and direct movement toward success 
which marked the rebel administration of affairs was shown in regard to the 
United States soldiers thus left without orders and without barracks in 
Texas. "Mr. Davis, hardly well seated in a presidential chair hardly set up, 
wrote through his Secretary of "War to the Texas Convention that these 
soldiers should be allowed a reasonable time to leave the territory of the 
confederacy (of which, it should be observed, Texas was not yet a member, 
as her Ordinance of Secession was only to go into effect on the 2d of March, 
after confirmation by the people); but that, should the United States gov- 
ernment refuse to withdraw them, "all the powers of the Southern confed- 
eracy should be used to expel them." 

But it was in another quarter, and under the administration of another 
president of the United States that Mr. Davis was first to use the powers of 
his confederacy to expel the troops and the flag of the United States from 
the borders of a seceded state. The beleaguered, but not yet completely in- 
vested fort in Charleston Harbor was still the cynosure of all eyes. Mr. 
Buchanan did nothing, and was plainly determined to do nothing for its re- 
lief; deeming, apparently, the nation's honor and his own abundantly sat- 
isfied if he could slink away from Washington while Major Anderson's flag 
was flying. Major Anderson took care that he should have that satisfac- 
tion. But a man was on his way to the capital, all unconscious that his 
way was sore beset, who could not be so easily contented. 



On the 13th of February, in presence of the Senate and the House of 
Representatives, assembled in the chamber of the latter body, John C. 
Breckinridge, Vice-president of the United States, after opening and read- 
ing before them the certificates of election from all the states of the Union, 
declared that Abraham Lincoln had been duly elected President, and Han- 
nibal Hamlin Vice-president of the United States for the term beginning 



March 4th, 1861. Probably no political event ever 
occurred more significant and peculiar in all its cir- 
cumstances. The unpracticed politician, and, till 
then, almost unknown man, who was thus declared 
the constitutionally elected chief magistrate of the 
republic, had been raised to that high office by a 
party which owed its very existence to the opposi- 
tion awakened by a measure which had been brought 
forward by his principal opponent as his own step- 
ping-stone to the highest position in the country. 
By his Kansas Bill Mr. Douglas made Mr. Lincoln 
President of the United States. The man also who, 
in the performance of his duty, declared him consti- 
tutionally elected, was his next most powerful oppo- 
nent, as the candidate and representative of a faction 
who had predetermined to make that election the oc- 
casion of breaking in pieces the government of which 
they had so long had almost absolute control. If Mr. 
Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge met that day, it must 
have been as difficult for them as for two Roman 
aucurs to look each other in the face without a smile 
— a smile no less rueful than subdued. 

At this time Mr. Lincoln was in Springfield, Illi- 
nois, where his modest and almost humble home had 
become the shrine of political pilgrimage. He was 
beset by cabinet-makers, would-be ministers, office- 
seekers of a lower rank, political meddlers of all 
kinds, and newsmongers of all grades. Unasked ad- 
vice was poured out upon him without stint; and 
from some quarters came importunate calls for a dec- 
laration of the policy of his coming administration. 
It was thought by many that if he announced a de- 
termination not to interfere with slavery, to respect 
the rights of local law and local custom, and to abide 
by the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme 
Court, the progress of the rebellion would be crip- 
pled, if not entirely checked. But these expecta- 
tions were not well founded. For, as it afterward 
appeared, such a declaration would have been with- 
out effect upon the leaders of secession in the seven 
states which had declared themselves no longer part 
of the republic ; and the subsequent accession to their 
force from the remaining slave states was brought 
about, as we shall see, not by any apprehensions that 
the new administration would seek to disturb the re- 
lations between the negro slaves and their masters, 
but by a determination to insist upon the extension' 
of slavery, and to defend the preposterous principle 
of state sovereignty. 

Mr. Lincoln issued no declaration, but preferred 
that his future should be conjectured from his past. 
He busied himself in preparation for the moment- 
ous duties which would be laid upon him in the first 
hour after he had sworn as President to "defend 
the Constitution of the United States." Meanwhile 
steps were taken with the desperate intention of ex- 
cluding him from the presidential chair, at the cost, 
if necessary, of his life and the lives of many others. As the 4th of March 
approached, some of the most violent of the secessionists (who swarmed in 
all the principal cities of the North) said, menacingly, that he would never 
be inaugurated ; and bets were offered and accepted that he would never be 
in power at "Washington:— accepted freely; for these threats were looked 
upon as empty bluster, the spiteful words of men accustomed to talk without 
restraint, and who were now smarting under a political defeat, and irritated 
by a prospective loss of power and patronage. They were, in fact, entirely 
disregarded, because it was not supposed for a moment that people who had 
declared that they had no connection with the government at Washington, 
and no interest in it, would think of attacking a place in which they were 
deprived of no rights, and from which they were not threatened. As to any 
other mode of preventing the inauguration, none could be thought of in the 
free states ; and the slaveholders sojourning at the North, when asked how 
Mr. Lincoln could be deterred from assuming the office to which he had 
been elected, made no definite answer. They knew more than their querists 
dreamed they did ; and the rebellion, still regarded as a passing political tur- 
moil by the larger part of the people at the North, had already assumed a des- 
perate phase and a bloody purpose, almost beyond the comprehension of the 
peace-loving, law-abiding people against whose constitutional rights and po- 
litical interests it was directed. From the beginning, the leaders and princi- 
pal actors in the rebellion added to the great advantages gained by base and 
wide-spread treachery, that of an entire readiness, if not a foregone determ- 
ination, to do, with an utter recklessness of all consequences, except their 
own success, that which the government and the loyal people did not sup- 
pose that they would venture to do, or even think of doing. No one save 
themselves suspected how remorselessly they were in earnest. 

But, although such was the general misapprehension of the spirit and the 
purposes of the rebellion, some men were sufficiently alarmed to take meas- 
ures of precaution. The chairman of a railway company, over whose road 
the President elect was sure to pass, was waited upon by a lady who had 



HAEPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



'[1861. 



traveled through much of the South on a mission of mercy, and who told 
him that in the course of her journeys she had seen at least twenty thou- 
sand men under arms, and that she had become convinced that there was 
a conspiracy to seize upon Washington and prevent Mr. Lincoln's inaugura- 
tion. Listened to with incredulity at first, in spite of the respect which 
her character and experience demanded, her anxiety finally produced such 
an impression upon the gentleman that ho sent a proper messenger to Lieu- 
tenant General Scott to put him upon his guard, yet was inclined to apolo- 
gize for calling his attention to sucli vague and extravagant apprehensions. 
What was his surprise to learn in reply from General Scott that he had for 
some time been quite sure of the existence of some such conspiracy ; that he 
had made the proper representations to President Buchanan and to others, 
but that he was listened to with incredulity, and was absolutely powerless. 
Upon this, measures were at once taken to ferret out the truth. Detectives 
were employed, and placed upon the line of the railway in question near 
Baltimore and Washington. They soon discovered that the soldier's fears, 
no less than the lady's, were more than justified. They found volunteer 
military companies drilling at various points along the road, which they 
soon saw were composed entirely of men of the extreme slavery -secession 
faction, although they professed to be strong Union men. To these com- 
panies they joined themselves in the assumed character of Southern and 
Southwestern men of like principles and purposes, and then learned that 
the object of their formation was the proffer of their services to the directors 
of the railway as an escort to Mr. Lincoln at some convenient point of the 
road, where, having secured entire control of it for a sufficient time, they 
would kill Mr. Lincoln, and, if necessary, the whole party which accompa- 
nied him; they being determined and prepared to destroy, at some bridge 
or other fit place, the whole train in which he was a passenger, should that 
be needful to the attainment of their object. Similar investigations set on 
foot in Baltimore, by other persons whose suspicions had been excited, re- 
vealed a similar conspiracy in that city. The detectives were engaged three 
weeks in obtaining a full revelation of the designs of the plotters there. 
But they discovered, and themselves became seemingly a part of, a body of 
men well organized with the fell purpose that if the President elect survived 
to enter Baltimore, he should not leave it alive. They were to mingle with 
the shouting crowd which would be sure to surround his carriage on his 
arrival, to prolong and increase the excitement, and, in the confusion, to 
thrust themselves forward as overeagcr friends, and thus get near enough 
to put him surely to death with pistols and hand-grenades. In the first 
moments of surprise and alarm they could easily escape, and a vessel was 
to be ready to transport them immediately to safety within the limits of the 
confederacy in whose interests, if not by whose procurement, the diabolical 
scheme was concocted. Of course, the immediate actors in this intended 
slaughter were of the baser sort; but it was discovered that men of wealth, 
and social position, and political influence countenanced and supported it. 
The plot was a good one, and, owing to the informal, democratic, and over- 
confident habits of the country, easy of execution, had it not been detected. 
Mr. Lincoln, as unsuspecting as every one of his constituents who was 
not fully informed, left Springfield on the 11th of February for Washing- 
ton ; and, after the inevitable series of congratulations and speech-makings 
on the route, arrived at Philadelphia on the 21st of the month. There he 
first learned the designs upon his life from the detective who had been 
principally instrumental in discovering them in Baltimore. Late in the 
evening of the same day a special messenger from General Scott and Mr. 
Seward — Mr. Seward's son — roused him from bis bed with an earnest 
warning. Deeply impressed as Mr. Lincoln was by such monitions, re- 
ceived through such channels, he yet refused to abandon an engagement to 
be present at Independence Hall in Philadelphia on the morning of the 
next day — Washington's birthday — and one to meet the Legislature of 
Pennsylvania at Harrisburg in the afternoon; but, these fulfilled, he con- 
sented to abandon his original plan, and go immediately and privately to 
Washington, The day passed off without any incident worthy of remark, 
except that some attention was attracted by Mr. Lincoln's declaration in his 
speech at Independence Hall that, rather than abandon the principles of 
the Declaration of Independence, he would be "assassinated upon that spot." 
But this was regarded merely as a strong and not very happily phrased 
asseveration. The interview at Harrisburg with the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania being over, Mr. Lincoln placed himself in the hands of his friends, 
and retired to his hotel, assuming, by advice, an air of extreme fatigue, which 
his constant traveling and speaking made very natural. At about 6 o'clock 
in the evening he was conveyed in a close carriage to a special train, which 
started instantly for Philadelphia, and at the same time all the telegraph 
wires leading from the city were cut. With bim the president of the road 
sent a trusty and intelligent confidential agent known as "George," whose 
authority was recognized by all the servants of the company, and who bore 
with him a large package of " dispatches," about which he seemed very 
anxious, and which was the alleged reason of sending the special train. At 
Philadelphia the party took the regular train, which they found waiting, 
and into which they quietly stepped just as it was starting. The detective 
was on the train, but "George" still considered himself in charge, and was 
astounded and alarmed soon after the train was under way by being ac- 
costed reproachfully by the engine-driver for not telling him that "Lin- 
coln was on board." George instantly saw that his only way was to trust 
his friend, and replied, "Yes, he is on board." "Well," said the other, 
with a look of serious apprehension and determination, " now we have him, 
we must put him through." His own observation had led him to suspect 
the designs of the people along the road, and he felt that he carried Ciesar 
and his fortunes. Oddly enough, however, the man whom he supposed to 



be the President elect was not he, but quite another person. The train 
passed swiftly through the perils prepared for the morrow, and Mr. Lincoln 
arrived at Washington about daybreak on the 23d of February. The tele- 
graph wires bad been united again, and George sent back the message, 
"The dispatches have arrived, and are safely delivered." 8 

Although the knowledge of this conspiracy had been confined to those 
who were concerned in it and those who had detected it, the fact that Mary- 
land was the only slave state through which Mr. Lincoln was obliged to 
pass on his way to Washington, and the well-known riotous character of 
the baser part of the people of Baltimore, had made his reception in that 
city a subject of special interest. The Republicans of the place were coun- 
seled by the authorities to abandon their intention of receiving Mr. Lincoln 
with the honors due to a President elect, which they were told " would cer- 
tainly produce a disturbance of the most violent and dangerous character 
to the President and all who were with him." They prudently followed the 
advice. On the evening of the 22d a Baltimore newspaper published an 
article calculated to produce an attack on Mr. Lincoln, who was to arrive 
there on the 23d, and the marshal of the city placed an unusually large 
body of the police under orders, to be used both as an escort and a general 
force of observation and restraint. When, therefore, on the day of his ex- 
pected arrival at that city, it was announced that he was already in the na- 
tional capital, which he had reached in privacy, in darkness, almost by 
flight, there was throughout the country a sensation of the liveliest surprise; 
surprise which was changed to shame and profound humiliation when the 
cause of this surreptitious entry of the seat of government was revealed. 
Except on the part of those who felt it their duty to sustain the successful 
candidate of the Republican party at all hazards, there was a universal and 
indignant expression of unbelief, and the affair became immediately the 
subject of a rueful kind of ridicule. The story was widely regarded, and 
especially in Baltimore and at the South, as trumped up for political effect, 
and the event for a time degraded Mr. Lincoln in the people's eyes. They 
refused to accept the alleged conspiracy against his life as any excuse for 
the ignominious secrecy with which he, the future chief magistrate of the 
country, made his way through one of its principal cities. They scouted 
the notion that any of their countrymen could seek to repair a political de- 
feat by assassination. They resented the accusation brought against these 
Baltimore desperadoes as a national insult. The Anglo-Saxon race, they 
said, are not assassins ; least of all are they so in the United States of Amer- 
ica. The affair dieted on almost all sides mingled expressions of incredu- 
lity, bitterness, and ridicule. From the point of view of the people of the 
free states, this judgment was justified, and this feeling was correct. It may 
be safely said that among their native-born population the formation of 
such a conspiracy would have been morally impossible. But they forgot 
to take into account, as elements of their judgment, the debasing and bru- 
talizing influences of slavery as an institution ; they did not stop to think 
of the pitiless infliction of torture and death upon rebellious slaves through- 
out the South, and of the bloody duels and street-brawls between "gentle- 
men" so constantly occurring there; they forgot for the moment that the 
bowie-knife was strictly a slave-state weapon, and that of the bloody assaults 
and murders committed within their own borders by natives of the United 
States, the large majority were committed by men born and bred under the 
malign influence of the worst form of slavery. 9 And last, and perhaps 
most important omission, they bad not yet even begun to conceive that the 
leaders of this insurrection, set on foot among a people so accustomed to 
scenes of blood, and in whom a spirit of arrogant domination was bred by 
the very constitution of their society, were determined, with the determina- 
tion of the desperate, to carry their point at every hazard. It was long, 
indeed, before this conviction came effectually home to them. 

The excitement caused by this disgraceful occurrence, however, soon gave 
place to profounder, if less vivid, emotions. On the 28th, the Plan of Adjust- 
ment adopted by the Peace Congress was sent to the Senate and the House, 
where they were followed, on the next day, by the report of the Committee 
of Thirty-three. It at once became apparent that they would not command 
the support either of Congress or the mass of the non-slavcholding people, 
and that, consequently, all hopes of harmony and peace which had been 
based upon them must be abandoned. Looking back upon these proposi- 
tions, made after such long consultation among men who were practiced pol- 
iticians, if not sagacious statesmen, we can but wonder at the failure which 
they exhibit to comprehend the revolutionary nature of the crisis. That 
of the Committee of Thirty-three was in the form of a brief amendment to 
the Constitution, which provided that no amendment should be made to that 
instrument which would give Congress power over the domestic institutions 
of any state. But as this was a mere solemn confirmation of a political right 
which no man denied, or ever had denied, to any or to all the states, it was 
therefore of no more consequence than the paper on which it was written. 10 
The proposals of the Peace Congress were embodied in seven sections, of 



a Statement of Mr. Thurlow Weed in the Albany Evening Jnumnl, and private account of Mr. 
S M Fc-lwn, president of the Philadelphia and Baltimore Knilwav (V.mpnny. 

' Of the hundreds of cases which I might cite in support of this position, onoin which there was 
no bloodshed seems to mc very characteristic. A gentleman well known to me, being in the prin- 
cipal city of a slave state in 1861, was sitting upon the piazza of ihc best hotel in tho place. Near 
him sat a man, in n dreamy, contemplative mood, having his back lurned to the window of a 
barber's shop which opened with vertical sashes to the floor of tho piazza. A light passing gust 
blow one of these sashes to, when instantly this man sprang up, and, drawiag a revolver, fired 
five shots directly through the window into the barber's shop. Fortunately there were few per- 
sons in tho 6hop, and he hit neither of thorn. But it is significant that ho thought, of course, 
that tho noise he heard was a pistol-shot ; and, of course, that Mime person bad attempted to shoot 
him "on sight;" and that, of course, be had a revolver in his pocket, which he drew, of course, 
and fired recklessly in tins direction of the sound which startled him. 

1D "No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give Congress 
power to abolish or interfere, within any state, with the domestic Institutions thereof, including 
that of persona held to labor or servitude by the laws of said state." 



1861.] 



FOKT SUMTER. 




which the first virtually re-established the Missouri Compromise ; the second 
prohibited the acquirement of any territory by the United States "without 
the concurrence of a majority of all the senators from the states which allow 
involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the senators from the states which 
prohibit that relation;" and the third denied forever to Congress the pow- 



» Plan i>j Adjustment adopted Itj the Peace Congress. 

Sec. 1. In nil the present territory of the United States north of the parallel of thirty-six de- 
grees thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is 
prohibited.' In al! the present territory south of that lino, the status of persons held to service or 
labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Nor shall nny law bo passed by Congress or the 
Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the stales of 
this Union to 6«id territory, nor to impiiir the rights arising from said relation. But the same 
shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the federal courts, according to the course of the com- 
mon law. When any Territory, north or south of said line, with such boundary as Congress may 
prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that required for n member of Congress, it shall, if 
its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the 
original states, with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such state moy pro- 

Sec. 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United State, except by discovery, and for naval 
and commercial station-:, dep&ls, and transit routes, without the concurrence of n majority of all 
the senators from the states which allow involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the senators 
from the states which prohibit that relation ; nor shall territory be acquired by treaty, unless the 
votes of a majority of tho senators from each class of states hereinbefore mentioned bo cast as a 
part of the two-third majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty. 

Sec. 3. Neither the Constitution nor any amendment thereto shall be construed to give Con- 
gress power to regulate, abolish, or control, within any state or territory of the United States, the 
relation established or recognized by the laws thereof touching person- bound to labor or involun- 
tary service in the District of Columbia, without the consent of Maryland, and without the con- 
sent of tho owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation ; nor tho power 
to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with them to tho city of 
Washington, retaining, and taking away persons so bound to labor or service ; nor tho power to 
interfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United 
Stales within those stoics and territories where the same is established or recognized ; nor the power 
to prohibit the removal or transportation of parsons held CO labor or involuntary service in any state 
or territory of the United States to any other state or territory thereof where it is established or rec- 
ognized by law or usage ; and the right, (luring transportation bj sea or river, of touching at ports, 
shores, and landings, and of landing in case of distress, bat not for sale or traffic, shall exist; nor 
shall Congress have power lo authorize any higher rate of taxation on pen-on* held to lahor or serv- 
ice than on Inud. The bringing into the Disirict of Columbia of persons held to laborer service 
for sale, or plat ing them in dlfpoU to bo afterward transferred to other places for solo us merchan- 
dise, is prohibited, ami the right of transit through any state or territory against its dissent is pro- 
hibited. 

SEC. i. Tho third paragraph of the second section of the fourth Article of the Constitution shall 
not ho construed to prevent any of ihe states, bv appropriate h-gidntion, and through tho action 
of their judicial and inini-teri.il officers, from enforcing (ho delivery of fugitives from labor to the 
person to whom such service or labor is due. 



er to regulate, abolish, ot control 
slavery in any state or territory of 
the United States, or in the District 
of Columbia, or any other place be- 
longing to the United States; to 
prohibit the bringing of slaves into 
the District, or the transfer of them 
from one part of the country to an- 
other. The remaining sections for- 
ever prohibited the slave-trade, se- 
cured a more stringent enforcement 
of the Fugitive Slave Law, and de- 
clared that the foregoing sections 
should never be amended or abol- 
ished without the consent of all the 
states. 1 Except in the restoration 
of the line of the Missouri Compro- 
mise, this plan placed the republic, 
bound hand and foot, in the power 
of slavery. It could not but fail 
miserably, as it did. The Republi- 
cans were against it in a body ; and, 
indeed, they opposed any adjust- 
ment other than that which should 
be effected by a Constitutional Con- 
vention of the people of the United 
States, which Congress had no pow- 
er to convoke. It was plain that 
compromise was at an end, and that 
the government must sustain itself 
under existing 'conditions, or else 
be utterly destroyed. 

Meantime the 4th of March came 
on apace; and in spite of their bet- 
ting and their threatening, the se- 
cessionists on that day saw Mr. Lin- 
coln duly invested with the office to 
which their own candidate in the 
contest had declared him constitu- 
tionally elected. Tbe provision 
whichGeneral Scott had been able 
to make for the preservation of 
order within the District of Colum- 
bia, in spite of tbe small force at 
his disposal for that purpose, was 
sufficient to deter any attempt 
which evil-disposed persons, with- 
out as well as within its bounda- 
ries, were then prepared for. On 
the appointed day Mr. Lincoln went 
in procession to the Capitol, in com- 
pany with President Buchanan, and, 
after visiting tbe Senate-chamber, 
proceeded to the east front of the 
building, where, in tbe open air, in presence of both houses of Congress, 
the foreign ministers, and a vast concourse of people, he delivered his in- 
augural address, 2 and took the oath of office at the bands of Chief Justice 
Taney. . 

President Lincoln's inaugural address was scanned with even more anx- 



Sec. 5. The foreign slave-trade is herehy forever prohibited ; and ,t shall be the duty of Con- 
ctcs to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coolie-, or pcr-.-os i- Id to service or labor, 
into the United States and the Territories from place- K-y-.rid the linms thereof. 

She. 6, The first, third, and fifth section,, together with this sc,ri..n six n th.se amendments 
and the third paragraph of the second section of the .ir,t Article .. the I onsti.ution and the hi d 
paragraph of the second section of the fourth Article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished 
irithonl the consent of all the states. ' „__■_ .k„ f„ii 

Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shu I pay to the owner the fu I 
value of his fugitive, from labor, in all eases where the marshal, or other officer « hose duty .1 was 
to arrest such fugitive, was prevented from so doing by vmlrnce ,-r . ni.mid.it],.,, from mobs or not- 
ciu* assemblages, or when, after arres,, such fugitive was rescued l.y like violence or intimidation, 
and the owner thereby pr. v, ntcd and obstructed in tho pursuit of his r. medy tor the recovery of 
snch fugitive. Congress shall mw ide by law for securing to tbe omens of each state the pit* 
leges and immunities of the several stales. 

a Inaugural Address of President Lincoln. 

Fellow-citizens of the United States : - 

In comDliuncc with a custom as old as the government itself. T appear before yon to address 
vou Vieflv7nnd to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed l.v the Consthntion of .he Un.tcd 
Jm, us to be taken hv the l'lc.-iJ.nt before he enter? on the execution of his office. 

I do not consider ,t nec.s-arv, at present, for me to discuss those mutter- of administration 
about Which ih.re is no special anxiety or excitement. Appo hensu.n seems to exist among th. 
people of he Southern stares that, by the nec-iou ,| a K, T ul,l, ? n a.Jmnos.rm.ojMheiu ■property, 
and their peace and personal security, are to he endangered. '1 here Ills never Wen any reason, 
able cai=o for such apprehension. Indeed, -he ,,,.«! ample ev.dence to the contrary has all thn 
whilooxUtcd and been op.-n to their inspection. It is found ,t, nearly all the public ipccches of 
him who "now addresses you. I do but .piote from one of those speeches diet, I declare tha "I 

uvc no purno-e direnlV or imlirec.lv, to interfere wiih the mstiti n of slaiery in the states 

where U S^ I beli-e I have no lawful right In do so, and I have no inclination to do so 
Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge^hat I had nmde^hts, and 
made many similar declarations, and had never recanted them, 
placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and i 
emphatic resolution which 1 now read : 

''&*9fc«/,Thnt the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and esp> 
each state to order and control its own demesne institutions according to its 
elusively, is essential to that balance of power on nhicli tin- | eif.vte.u , and eiidii . 

ical fabric depend ; aad we denounce the lawless invasion by armed for, e of the soil of any 
or territory, no matter under what pretext, as an g llu craves! ol crimes. 

I nTw reiterate these sentiments and, in d.ung so, I only press upon the public attention the 
most cTndusive evidence of which the c.t-e is -u-e ,,-ilue. that the properly, pence, and security 

of no section are to bo in any wise endangered by tbo now incoming a dm, o, stratum. 



j ih.msclvcs 



And, I 



ully tho right of 
n judgment ex- 
pol't- 



I add, too. 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CTVTL "WAR. 



11861. 



iefy than the message with, which Mr. Buchanan, months before, had so as- 
tonished and dissatisfied all men, except the seceders at home and abroad. 
Mr. Lincoln, on the contrary, satisfied all but the same unconditional seces- 
sionists, whom no duly qualified President of the United States could con- 
tent, except at the cost of treachery. That he expressly disavowed the in- 
tention of interfering with slavery, or any other local institution, in the states 
where it then existed, and denied his right of such interference ; that he de- 
clared that the Fugitive Slave Law, like all other constitutional laws, should 
be enforced ; that he avowed respeet for the constitutional rights of all parts 
of the Union, and the intention to pursue a peaceful course in his adminis- 
tration — this was really of no moment; for he also declared that no state, 
upon its own mere motion, could lawfully go out of the Union ; that Ordi- 
nances of Secession were void ; that resistance to the authority of the United 
States was insurrection ; and that his official power should be used to " hold, 
occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government." 
To the leaders of the secession party, and their active, determined supporters, 



that nil tho protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the lairs, can bo given, will 
be cheerfully given to all the suites when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to 
one section as to another. 

There is much controversy ahout the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The 
clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions : 

" No person held to service or labor in one state under the laws [hereof] escaping into another, 
shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, 
but shall bo delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may he due." 

It is scarcely qucstioaed that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaim- 
ing of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. 

All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as 
well as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose costs come within the terms of 
this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the 
effort in good temper, could thev not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by 
means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? 

There is some difference, of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by 
Itule nnthority ; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be sur- 
rendered, it can bo of but" little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is dono ; 
and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstan- 
tial controversy as to botv it shall he kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in the civ- 
ilised and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any ease, surren- 
dered as a slave? And might it not be veil, at the same time, to provide by law for the enforce- 
ment of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that " the citizens of each state shall be 
entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states ?" 

I take the official oath to-day uuh no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the 
Constitution or laws by unv hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify partic- 
ular acts of Congress "as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, 
both in official nnd private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unre- 
pealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be uncon- 

It is SCVenty-tWO years since the first inauguration of n president under our national Constitu- 
tion. During that period fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have in succession 
administered the executive branch of the government. They have couducted it through many 
perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon 
tho same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great andjieculinr difficulties. 

A disruption of the federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I 
hold that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of these states 
is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national gov- 
ernments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever hud a provision in its organic law 
for its own termination. Continue to execut' 1 all iIil- cxpr. .--s provisions of our national Constitu- 
tion, and tho Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action 
not provided for in the instrument itself. 

Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of states in the na- 
ture of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties 
who made it ? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; bat does it not re- 
quire all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find tho proposition 
that in legal contemplation the Union is j-.-rpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. 

The Union is much older than tho Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of As- 
sociation in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Declnrution of Independence in 1776. 
It was farther matured, and tho faith of all the then thirteen states expressly plighted nnd engaged 
that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778 ; and, finally, in 1787, one 
of tho declared objects fir ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect 
Union. But if the destruction of the Union by one, or by a part only of the states, lie lawfully 
possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital clement of per- 
petuity. 

It follows from these views that no state, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of tho 
Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence 
within any state or states against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolu- 
tionary, according to circumstances. 

I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, nnd, 
to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution ir-tlf expressly enjoins unon me, 
that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the states. Doing this, which I deem 
to be only n simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my 
rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative 
manner direct the contrary. 

I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, hut only an the declared purpose of the Union 
that it will constitutionally defend and maintain iticlf'. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed 
or violence, and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power 
confided to mo will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the properly and places belonging to the 
government, and collect the duties and impost* ,- but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, 
there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any where. Where hos- 
tility to the United States shall in; so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident cit- 
izens from holding the federal offices, there will lie no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among 
tho people that object. While the strict legal right may exist of the government to enforce the 
exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable 
withal, that I deem it bettor to forego fur the time the uses of such offices. The mails, unless re- 
pelled, will continue to he furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, tho people ev- 
ery where shall have that sense of perfect security which is roost favorable to calm thought and 

Tho course hero indicated will bo followed, unless current events nnd c.\|icriencc shall show a 
modification or change to be proper; and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be 
exercised according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful 
solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all events, 
and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there bo such, I need, 
address no word to them. 

To those, however, who really love tho Union, may I not speak, before entering upon so grave 
smaller as the dc-truction of our national fabric, with all iis benefits, ii s memories, and its hopes? 
Would it not be well to ascertain why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate n step, while ap- 
portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence ? Will you, while the certain ills you lly to 
are greater than all tho real ones you fly from? Will yon risk tho commission of so fearful a 
mistake? All profess to bo content in the Union if nil constitutional rights can be maintained. 
Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think 
not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can rcneh to the audacity of doing 
this. 

Think, if yon can, of a single instance in which u plainly-writ ten provision of the Constitution 
has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive n minority 
of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in n mural point of view, justify revolution: 
it certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our caso. 

All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals: are so plainly assured lo them by af- 
firmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never 
arise concerning them. But no organic law can over be framed with a provision specifically ap- 
plicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can antici- 



this message was a summons to submission, with the alternative of war. It 
was susceptible of no other construction. And yet so strangely did a large 
part, it would seem the greater part, of the loyal people throughout the coun- 
try mistake the temper and the deliberate purpose of those who were direct- 
ing the secession movement, that they regarded the address as significant of 
a peaceful restoration of the Union. This was especially the case with those 
members of the Democratic party in whom party considerations had not 
entirely extinguished love of country, aud a reverence for the Constitu- 
tion and the laws. Those who spoke for these men cast aside party consid- 
erations at once, and sustained the President in the position which he had 
taken. They fondly supposed that the members of their party at the South 
would do the same. How much they overrated the influence of patriotism 
and a devotion to the republic among the leading slaveholders, how incor- 
rectly they estimated the relative value of slavery and the existence of the 
republic in the eyes of those men, the sequel sadly showed. 

President Lincoln's address made little change in the course of events 



pate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for nil possible questions. 
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authorities? The Constitation 
does not expressly ray. Must Congress protect slavery in tin- Territories? Tho Constitution docs 
not expressly say. From questions of ibis class spring all our constitutional controversies, nnd we 
divide up' in them into majorities nnd minorities. 

If the minority will not acquiesce, tho majority must, or the government must cease. There ia 
no alternative for continuing the government but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a 
minority in such a case will secedo rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn 
will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenevor a majority 
refuses lo be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not any portion of a new confed- 
eracy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union 
now claim to 6ecedo from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now - being educated to 
the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the states to 
compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? Plainly, the 
central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 

A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and limitation, and always changing easily 
with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only truo sovereign of a free 
people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unnnimity is im- 
possible ; the rule of a majority, as a permanent arrangement, is wh- Uv inadmissible. So that, 
rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. 

I do not forget ilic jH.ijiiii.il assumed by some that consiitiitional questions aro to be decided by 
the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the par- 
lies to a 6uit, as to the object of that Fuit, while they arc also entitled to very high respect and 
consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government ; and while it is ob- 
viously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still tho evil effect follow- 
ing it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never 
become a precedent for other cases, can better ho borne than could the evils of a different practice. 

At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the j.olicy of the government upon the 
vital questions affecting the whole jicople is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme 
Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation K-tweca parties in personal actions, 
tho people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically re- 
signed their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. 

Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which 
they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; and it is no fault of theirs if 
others seek to turn their decisions to poliiienl purposes. One section of our country believes 
slavery is right, nnd ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to 
be extended; and ibis is the only substantial dispute; and the fugitive slave clause of the Con- 
stitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, arc each as well enforced, 
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly 
supports the law itself. The great body of the peojde abide by the dry legal obligotion in both 
cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be 
worse in both case's after the separation of i lie section 1 than before. The foreign slave-trade, now 
imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section, while fu- 
gitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. 

Physically speuking, wo can not separate — we can not remove our respective sections from each 
other, nor build an impassable wall between thorn, A husband and wife mny be divorced, and 
go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country 
can not do this. They can not but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hos- 
tile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous 
or more satisfactory after Separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
can make laws? Can treaties bo more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among 
friends? Supposo you go to war, you can not fight, always; and when, after much loss on both 
sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse 
are again upon you. 

This country, with ils institutions, belongs to tho people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall 
grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending, 
or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that 
many worthy nnd patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. 
While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people 
over the whole subject, to lie exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, 
nnd I should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being 
afforded the people to act upon it. 

I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amend- 
ments lo originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to tnke or reject 
projiositions originated by others nut esj».-'. tally elm-rii f..r ibe purpose, and which might not bo 
precisely such as they would wish cither to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amend- 
ment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to 
the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of states, 
including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart 
from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a pro- 
vision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and ir- 
revocable. 

Tho chief magistrate derives all his authority from tho people, nnd they have conferred none 
upon bun to fix tho terms for tho separation of tho states. The people themselves, also, can do 
this if they choose, but tho executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is lo admin- 
ister the present government as it came to his bunds, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his 
successnr. Why should there not bo a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? 
Is there any better or equal hope in tho world ? In our present differences, is cither party with- 
out faith of being in the right? If tho Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth nnd 
justice, bo on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth nnd that justice will 
surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the 
government under which wo live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but lit- 
tle power for mischief, nnd have, with equal wisdom, provided for tho return of that lutlo lo their 
own hands at very short intervals. While the people retuin their virtue and i igilancr, no admin- 
istration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short 
space of four years'. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole snljcrt. Nothing valuable 
can be lost by taking time. If there bo an object to hurry any of you, in hoi haste, to a step 
which you would never take delilierntely, that object will be frustrated by inking lime; but no 
good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as aro now dissutisih d -till have the obi Consti- 
tution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the lawa of your own framing under it; while tho 
new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it wore admit- 
ted that you who are dissatisfied bold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason 
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, nnd a firm reliance on Him who has 
never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present 
difficulties. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous 
issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being 
yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in henven to destroy the government^ 
while I shall have the most solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend" it. I am loth to close. 
Wc aro not enemies, but friends, Wc must not bo enemies. Though passion may have strain- 
ed, it must not break our bunds of affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every 
battle-field nnd patriot grnvo to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will 
yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will bo, by tbu better angels 



1861.] 



FORT SUMTER 



53 



toward the point to which they were now surely tending, but that little was 
a quickening of their progress and an increase of their force. Its plump 
denial of the right of secession, and its avowal of a determination to possess 
the national mints, arsenals, and military posts, put those in authority in the 
states which had passed Ordinances of Secession, and appropriated the prop- 
erty of the republic to their own use, upon their mettle; while its peaceful 
professions did nothing to mitigate to the advocates of state sovereignty, in 
the slave states which had not seceded, its assertion of the supreme and ab- 
solute authority of the central government in all national affairs. In the 
free states, and in the slave states still under loyal control, it made the idea 
of an armed struggle for the support of the government more familiar ; and, 
by awakening the generous glow of patriotism, it softened and sundered the 
ri"id bonds by which the Democratic party, the only well-organized and 
well-disciplined body in the country, had been for more than a generation so 
strongly bound together. 

At the South the leaders allowed the people little time for such super- 
fluous business as the consideration of a speech which merely showed that 
there was no ground of apprehension that their interests would suffer under 
the new administration of the United States government. They drove them 
sharply up to the work of rebellion. Military preparation and hostile ac- 
tion against the government had gone on vigorously under state authority 
during the three months preceding Mr. Lincoln's inauguration ; and hardly 
had that event taken place when the confederate president ordered General 
Beauregard to Charleston to take command of the forces which had been 
assembled, and the works which had been erected there, for the investment 
of Fort Sumter. On the 9th of March the confederate Congress passed an 
act for the establishment and organization of an army. On the 14th the 
Legislature of Florida passed an act defining treason, and declaring that, in 
the event of a collision between the troops of the United States and those of 
Florida, the holding office under the government of the former by any res- 
ident of the latter should be punished with death ! Supplies were cut off 
from the Gulf fleet and from Fort Pickens — an important post, the preser- 
vation of which to the government will form an interesting episode in the 
early part of our narrative. The various states under control of the confed- 
erate government ratified the Constitution adopted at Montgomery, and were 
called upon to furnish their quota of troops for the defense of the insurgent 
cause. The whole number called for was less than twenty thousand, and 
these, from a population of five millions, an unusually large proportion of 
whom were shifting adventurers or local desperadoes, and accustomed to 
the use of arms upon each other, were soon forthcoming. In certain places 
the young men of the more respectable and cultivated classes also formed 
themselves into military companies, and volunteered their services in the 
insurgent army. The South seemed to be animated with a lively and wide- 
spread enthusiasm for the confederate cause. For those whose hearts 
were in it were outspoken, active, and self- asserting ; while those who 
preserved their allegiance to the old Constitution, their loyalty to the 
old flag, and their love for the republic, were, with comparatively few 
exceptions, silent and reserved. To officer the troops mustered under 
this levy there were more than enough of men well qualified. From 
the beginning of the commotion it was manifest that many officers of 
the United States army, professionally educated, and supported during 
their education by the republic, would, at the bidding of state politi- 
cians, disown the flag which they had sworn to defend, and turn their 
swords against the mother who had cherished them. The event sur- 
passed anticipation. As state after state passed the Ordinance of Se- 
cession, officers of the army and navy, -West Point cadets, and mid- 
shipmen, resigned in rapid succession, under the convenient plea that 
they were bound to follow the fortunes of their "sovereign" state. So 
overwhelmed were their minds by this shallow doctrine, or by the 
deep purpose which it was used to veil, that they did not see that un- 
der it their allegiance shifted with their residence, and could be moved 
about the country from one "sovereignty" to another as easily as a 
peddler moves his pack. Not one in five of them was born and bred 
in the state to whose fortunes he chose to regard himself as bound ; 
and some of them, as we shall see, were (like thousands, if not ten3 of 
thousands, of the men they were to lead to battle against the flag of 
the republic) natives of free states. So mildly did the government of 
the United States use its powers, even in this extremity, that the res- 
ignations of these, its sworn defenders, who deserted it in the hour of 
its peril, were accepted, and they were allowed to retire with nominal 
honor. In this manner more than one hundred of the officers of the 
army and navy threw up their commissions, and offered their swords 
to the insurgent cause before the 4th of March. Let us, however, 
though we can not justify or even excuse this sad and shameful defec- 
tion, consider fairly all the circumstances which palliated it. With 
few exceptions, all these officers bad been imbued from their boyhood 
with the doctrine of state sovereignty. They had beard it insisted 
upon by the politicians of their part of the country, in the one-sided 
domestic discussions of the public assembly and the social circle — the 
very politicians upon whose recommendation they were appointed to 
their cadetships and their midshipmen's berths. For John C.Calhoun 
and the men of his school, who had obtained, partly by intrigue and 
partly by arrogation, the almost absolute control of the politics of the 
slave states, astutely seeing that the power of those states as units was 
a far more formidable weapon to wield against the advance of freedom 
than the power of the people of those states in mass, made the adop- 
tion of this dogma a sine-qua-non to political preferment. That the 
interest of slavery must either control the republic or destroy it was 



for thirty years as a religion and an aggressive policy to them, and this mon- 
ster of state sovereignty was both the fetich of their worship and the bugbear 
of their threats. When men brought up under such teaching saw the govern- 
ment at Washington pass into the hands of a party which they styled " Abo- 
litionist" — when they saw their own states secede from the Union — when 
the voice of their elders, the spur of ambition, the hopes of social distinction, 
and the blandishments of women, all incited them to espouse the cause of 
the insurgents — and when to all this was added the consciousness that, if 
they fought under the flag of the republic, they must meet their brothers and 
their friends in battle, what wonder that so many of them, yielding to all these 
influences, resigned their commissions, often soothing their consciences, at 
first, with the self-assurance that they would not take up arms either under 
the old flag or the new one! Nay, considering how men are influenced 
by interest, by association, and by antagonism, is it not somewhat surprising 
that so many of them remained faithful to the flag which, if the doctrines 
taught by modern politicians of their part of the country were true, was the 
mere sign of " a common agency ?" The greater part of the guilt of their 
defection must be laid upon the shoulders of the men who for so many years 
had labored to debauch the patriotism and pervert the judgment of the peo- 
ple of the South. To the men of the free states, on the contrary, loyalty to 
the republic, one and indivisible, was a sentiment, almost an instinct. They 
were not taught it any more than they were taught to breathe or to sec; 
they debated it no more than they questioned the certain action of the great 
laws of nature. They imbibed it with their mother's milk, and it became 
a part of their very being. They had no peculiar abnormal institution to 
bias their judgments and debase their sentiments, and both their reason 
and their feelings united in their patriotism. They knew that their states 
had local rights which they prized; and they loved those states as a man 
loves his borne, and his neighborhood, and his native town, and whatever is 
nearest to him ; but they looked upon all these only as parts of one great 
whole. They gloried in the great republic; in its wise and humane prin- 
ciples of government, in its power, its wealth, its beneficent institutions, and 
its marvelous progress; they rejoiced in the prosperity of all parts of it; 
and their desire to wipe out the blot of slavery, which was one of the causes 
of the great rebellion, was due to a generous assumption of responsibility in 
regard to its existence which in no wise belonged to them. As to their 
country, they looked upon themselves only as citizens of the great American 
republic; and they inwardly smiled witb pity upon men who went about 
introducing each other as "of South Carolina" and " of Virginia." It was 
easier for most of these men to stand by their colors than it was for some 
of those to abandon them. 

Prominent among those who resigned their commissions before the break- 
ing out of hostilities was Major Pierre Gustave Toutant, called Beauregard, 




HAEPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 




whom the confederate president placed in command at Charleston, with the rank of brigadier 
general in the provisional confederate army. This officer, the son of a Louisiana planter, was 
bom near New Orleans in 1819. As his name indicates, he is of French descent, his grandfa- 
ther having been a French Royalist refugee. The present writer bought at a book-stall, and has 
now in his possession, a copy of a History of the Life of Louis XVI. of France, with its terrible 
events and tragic ending, by a French writer, which was printed in Hamburg in 1802, nine years 
after that weak, but thoroughly good-hearted monarch died by the guillotine. Upon the portrait 
frontispiece of this volume is written, in a French hand of the last century, " Pierre Toutant a 
6t6 heureux jusque a '93" 3 — touching evidence of a mistaken fidelity to the cause of aristocratic 
oppression, which events have shown has descended with the blood and the name of the exiled 
Royalist. In 1834, Pierre Toutant, the grandson, whose mother was an Italian woman, left his 
father's plantation for the Military Academy at West Point. That plantation, it is said, was 
called Beauregard, and the young cadet, introduced as Pierre Toutant de Beauregard, was mis- 
takenly called by the latter name, which, being a territorial designation, gratified his vanity, and 
he retained it. He passed through bis cadetship with much credit, graduated in 1838, and re- 
ceived his second lieutenant's commission in the First Artillery. Soon transferred to the Engi- 
neers, in which corps he was made first lieutenant before the expiration of his second year of serv- 
ice, he accompanied the small column of troops at the head of which General Scott, with a daring 
as much greater than of Cortez as the superiority of his enemy in arts and arms to that of the 
half savage and nearly overawed foe encountered by the Spanish conqueror, undertook to pen- 
etrate Mexico from its shores to its capital.' In this expedition bo distinguished himself by gal- 
lantry and professional skill. At Contreras and Chertibusco he won a captain's brevet, and a 
major's at Chepultepec. In the final assault upon the city of Mexico he was wounded' at the 
Belen Gate, and, with Lieutenants Gustavus W. Smith and George B. M'Clellan— of whom, also, 
we are to hear anon -—received the honor of a special mention in General Scott's dispatches! 
Camp stories are told of his quick penetration and excellent judgment, and also of his somewhat 
notable self-reliance ; and, although these are probably highly colored, if not exaggerated, there 
can be no doubt of the more than ordinary capacity and acquirements of Beauregard. At the 
close of the Mexican war his services were rewarded by the appointment of chief engineer for 
the building of the Mint and the Custom-house at New Orleans, and also of the important for- 
tifications on the Mississippi below that city. Just before the outbreak of the insurrection, Ma- 
jor Beauregard was appointed by President Buchanan to the important and honorable post of 
superintendent of the Military Academy at which he received his education. He went to West 
Point, and nominally entered upon the duties of his new position. But he had been in author- 
ity less than a week when an order arrived superseding him. The traditions of West Point 
are that he spoke and acted as became a loyal citizen and soldier, and especially that he dis- 
suaded the Louisiana cadets from resigning their commissions. But the Secretary of War ad 
interim, Mr. Postmaster Holt, distrusted him because of his Louisiana birth, and unwisely, it 
would seem, put him in disgrace. At all events, the temptation to a States Rights man to soothe 
his wounded vanity by yielding to the demands of his "sovereignty" to enter its service proved 
too tempting for him to resist, and he resigned his commission in the United States army. But 
it is more than probable that, sooner or later, in any case, he would have taken this step, influ- 
enced thereto by the associations of all his life, and by the prominent part taken in the con- 
spiracy for the destruction of the republic by his brother-in-law, ex-Senator John Slidell, of 
New Orleans. Having arrived at Charleston within a few days of the inauguration of Presi- 
dent Lincoln, General Beauregard found much already done toward the investment of Fort 
Sumter by the active zeal of the insurgents of South Carolina. Not only had Fort Moultrie, 
Castle Pinckney, and Fort Johnson been strengthened, but batteries bad been erected at various 
points which either commanded the water-girdled ramparts from which the flag of the republic 
still floated, or the approaches by which succor could be carried to" its defenders. To the com- 
pletion and increase of these works, which were already so large as to require six hundred men 
for their garrisons, General Beauregard immediately devoted all his energy and engineering skill. 
But we must turn our eyes from Charleston to Washington, where maimed negotiations were 
halting toward the inevitable issue of civil war. 

The provisional government at Montgomery had been in power but a few days when it ap- 
pointed Mr. John Forsyth, former minister of the United States to Mexico; Mr. Martin J. Craw- 
ford, late United States senator from Georgia; and Mr. A. B. Rodman, an ex-Governor of Loui- 
siana, as its commissioners to the government at Washington, for the purpose of openin" nego- 
tiations upon all questions growing out of the revolutionary movement, which their appointment 
assumed to have been complete. The cabinet which President Lincoln had formed for the ad- 
ministration of the government to which these commissioners were accredited consisted, first, of 
William H. Seward, whom all the world, including himself) had expected to be president, if the 
Republican party were victorious, and who magnanimously accepted from his successful rival 
the appointment of Secretary of State, and thus gave his country, to the extent of his power, the 
advantage of his statesmanship and his experience. Next in importance at that time was the 
Department of War, which had been placed in the bands of Simon Cameron, late United States 
senator from Pennsylvania, who began life as a printer, and who had accumulated a large for- 
tune. His reputation for integrity, however unjustly, was not without blemish ; and Mr. Lin- 
coln, when pressed, before his inauguration, to give him a cabinet office, had made objections on 
this ground, which his friends would seem to have satisfactorily set aside, without the ability, 
however, of preventing their recurrence. Mr. Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, was made Secre- 
tary of the Navy; an appointment which he owed rather to the influence of powerful friends 
than to any prominence as a politician or a publicist, or to any reputation as a man of affairs. 
He had been editor of a Hartford paper, and was a Democrat in the administrations of Van 
Buren and Polk. The Treasury was placed under the direction of Salmon P, Chase, a nephew 
of the venerated Bishop Chase, of Ohio and Illinois. A lawyer of eminence in Cincinnati, he 
had distinguished himself in suits which involved constitutional questions in regard to slavery, 
in which he always appeared against the slaveholding interest. As candidate of the Free-soil 
party, he had been elected to the Senate of the United States, and afterward was made Gov- 
ernor of Ohio, in which position his sound and wise views of finance at a critical period had 
done the commonwealth much service. For his Attorney General Mr. Lincoln had selected Ed- 
ward Bates, a leading lawyer and politician of Missouri, who had done much service to the Re- 

' " Pierre Toutant was happy until '93"— tlic year of Louis XVI. 's death. 

* CortG* bni] fire hundred Spanish troops, hut his Tlnsndnn allies were nnmhi'rcd by thousands, and treachery served him 
belter than either his own or tlio native foreos. General Scott entered ilie cmmirv nl ths head .1 onlv fifteen thousand men, 
and the whole force under Gencml Taylor was lews ilian six thousand. Tile Mexican* fought with skill and desperata 
valor. Treachery was enlisted only in tlio councils of their leader. Santa Anna. And General Scott and his little army 
boro themselves so magnanimously and so wisclv, that tlio Mexicans invited Uim 10 remain with Uuan at tbo head of affairs. 
tUpPf would it imvQ Ijcon for Uicm lltul Uo dnnn ko. 



1861.] 



FORT SUMTER 



55 



publican party, and not a little during the canvass which resulted in Mr. Lin- 
coln's own election. The Department of the Interior was committed to the 
hands of Caleb Smith, of Indiana ; and the Post-office to Montgomery Blair, 
of Maryland, a graduate of West Point, whose whole life had been passed in 
the observation, if not in the conduct of public affairs, and who was expected 
to take, and did take, a much more prominent part in the cabinet counsels 
than the office which he accepted would have made necessary. To this cab- 
inet the confederate commissioners made their approach almost ere it was 
well formed. They arrived in Washington on the 5th of March ; but it was 
not until the 12th that Messrs. Crawford and Forsyth, representing the com- 
mission, addressed a note to the Secretary of State, Mr.Seward.informinghim 
of the character in which they presented themselves at the capital, and asking 
him to appoint an early day on which ihcy might present their credentials 
and proceed to negotiations. Their note was couched in those smooth and 
formal phrases of conventional courtesy with which men of social culture and 
diplomatic experience can cover even the most offensive assertions and the 
most injurious assumptions. They claimed that the seven states which they 
represented had withdrawn from the Union, and formed a confederation, "in 
the exercise of the inherent right of every free people to change or reform 
their political institutions," when they knew that the inhabitants of only one 
of those states— Texas — ever were, in the political sense of the word, a dis- 
tinct people, and that four other states of the seven— Alabama, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, and Florida — were the mere creatures of the government and peo- 
ple of the United States, the very soil of two of them— Florida and Louisiana 
—having been bought and paid for out of the United States Treasury. They 
claimed recognition and consideration for their government on the ground 
that it was '-' endowed with all the means of self-support," when those means 
consisted largely of the arms, the money, the forts, public buddings, and ves. 
sels which it had seized from the very government from whom they demand- 
ed recognition. They professed that "amity and good-will" which diplomatic 
agents always profess until there is an open rupture ; and they declared that 
the people whom they claimed to represent did not wish to do any act to in- 
jure their late confederates, when they knew that their very presence in that 
capital, as commissioners of part of the Union to a government administered 
by men constitutionally elected to govern the whole, was an evidence that 
their " late confederates" had already received at their hands the greatest 
injury in their power. Mr. Seward replied to this note on the 15th by a 



memorandum in which he informed them, with the utmost courtesy, that he 
had no authority to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or enter into corre- 
spondence with them. The events which had caused their mission to Wash- 
ington he regarded, not as a rightful and accomplished revolution, but as a 
perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement to an unjustifiable and 
unconstitutional aggression upon the rights and authority vested in the fed- 
eral government. The remedy for the deplorable condition of affairs then 
existing he expected to find, not in such irregular negotiations as those upon 
which they desired to enter, but in the regular and considerate action of the 
people whom they professed to represent, and in a constitutional convention 
for the amendment of the organic law of the land. In brief, plain phrase, 
the Secretary of State, speaking for his government, refused to not only rec- 
ognize the government under which the commissioners acted, but to admit 
the right to establish it, and told them that they and all their constituents 
were then, as they had been before, citizens of the United States. 

The reply of the insurgent commissioners to this memorandum is one of 
the curiosities of diplomatic literature. Still studiously preserving the hol- 
low form of diplomatic courtesy, and making almost evangelical declarations 
of peace and good-will to men, the commissioners, in fact, took a high tone of 
defiance ; read the Secretary and the President a presumptuous lecture upon 
the first principles of free government; held the innocence of the insurgent 
government up to the admiration of posterity ; and styled the determination 
of the President to keep his solemn oath of office a determination "to ap- 
peal to the sword to reduce the people of the Confederate States to the will 
of the section or party whose president be is" — a most impudent remark, 
whether we consider Mr. Lincoln's constitutional position, or the distribu- 
tion of the popular vote in the election which made him President, or the 
majorities in that by which secession was carried in any state of the confed- 
eration except South Carolina. They denied, too, that they had asked the 
government of the United States to recognize the independence of their con- 
federation', but merely to adjust with them the relations springing from a 
manifest aud accomplished revolution. In other words, they asked the gov- 
ernment, by receiving them, to admit the very point in dispute, aud they 
declared that the innocence, the peacefulness, and the good-will of the con- 
federate government was to endure just so long as it was allowed to have 
its own way, regardless of the interests, the honor, and, in fact, the very ex- 
istence of the government in defiance of which it had been set up. s 



* Correspondence between Mr. Seward and the Confederate Comi 

Tho following is the correspondence between the Secretary of State and the Commissioners from 
the Confederate States : 

Messrs. Forsyth and Craicford, to Mr. Sru-ard, opening Negotiation and stating the Case. 

Washington City, Nureh IS, ISfil. 
lloa. Wm. 11. Seward. focTrtnry ..f^tiiliMif Hit. Miilnl StnU< : 

Bin,— The undersigned have been duly accredited by the government of the Confederate States 
of Amerirn ns commissioners (o the government of the United States, and in pursuance of their 
instructions have now the honor to acquaint you with that fact, and to make known, through you, 
to the President of the United Stuns the olivets of their presence in this capital. 

Seven states of the late federal Union having, in the exercise of the inherent right of every free 
people to change or reform their political institutions, and through conventions of their people, 
withdrawn from the United Slates and reassumed the attributes of sovereign power delegated to it, 
have formed a government of their own. The Confederate Slates constitute an independent nation 
df facto and dejure, and possess a government perfect in all its parts, and endowed with all Ibe 
means of self-support. 

Witlia view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of this political separation, upon 
■uch torms of amity and'good-will as the respective interests, geographical contiguity, and future 
welfare of the two nations may render necessary, the undersigned are instructed to make to the 
government of the United Slates overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring the govern- 
ment of the United States that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States 
earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions; that it is neither their interest nor 
their wish to make any demand which is nut founded in strictest justice, nor do any act to injure 
their late confederates. 

The undersigned have now the honor, in obedience to the instructions of their government, 
request you to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President 
of the United States the credentials which they bear and the objects of the mission with which they 
are charged. Wo arc, very respectfully, your obedient servants, John Forsyth, 

MaKTLN J. CnJLWFORD. 
The Reply of Mr. Seward. 



[Men 



n.J 



Ucpsrtment or State. WaiBjoKUB, Mnrch IB, 1961. 
Mr. John Forsyth, of the State of Alabama, and Mr. Martin J. Crawford, of the State of Georgia, 
on the 11th inst', through the kind offices of a distinguished senator, submitted to the Secretary 
of State their desire for an unofficial interview. This request was, on the 12lb inst., upon exclu- 
sively public consideration, respectfully declined. 

On the I3th inst., while the secretary was preoccupied, Mr. A. D. Banks, of Virginia, called at 
this department, and was received by the assistant secretary, to whom he delivered a scaled com- 
" i, which ho bad been charged by Messrs. Forsyth und Crawford to present the secretary 



in person. 

In that communication Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford inform the Secretary of State that they 
have been duly accredited by the government of the Confederate States of America as commis- 
sioners to the government of the United States, and they set forth the objects of their attendance 
at Washington. They observe that seven states of tho American Union, in the exercise of u right 
inherent in every free people, have withdrawn, through conventions of their people, from tho 
United Stales, renssumed the attributes of sovereign power, and formed a government of their 
own, and that those Confederate States now constitute an independent nation dt facto and dejure, 
and possess a government perfect in all its parts, and fully endowed with all the means of self- 
support. 

Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in their aforesaid communication, thereupon proceeded to inform 
the sccretarv that, with a view 10 a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of the political 
separation thus assumed, upon such terms of amity and good-will as the respective interests, geo- 
graphical contiguity, and the future welfare of the supposed two nations might render necessary, 
they are instructed to make to the government of the United States overtures for the opening of 
negotiations, assuring this government that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate 
States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great questions, and that it is neither their in- 
terest nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor do any act 
to injure their late confederates. 

After making these statements, Messrs. Forsyth nnd Crawford close their communication, as 
they say, in obedience to the instructions nf their government, by requesting tin- Secretary of State 
to appoint as early a day as possible, in order that they may present to the President of the United 
Stales the credent hi Is which they ln-nr nnd t)x- nhjcils or the mission with which they are charged. 
Tbo Secretary of State frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently 
occurred, and the condition of [loliiienl uffain which nctiinlly exists in the heart of the Union to 
which his attention has thus been directed, very differently from the aspect in which llicy are pre- 
sented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them, not a rightful and accomplished revo- 
lution and an independent nation, with an established government, but rather n perversion cif n 
temporary and partisan excitement to tho inconsiderate purposes of an unjustifiable and uncon- 
stitutional acgression upon the rights and the authority vested in the federal government, and 
hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature they always must so bo exercised, for the 
maintenance of ibe Union, the preservation of liberty, and the security, peace, wolfare, happiness, 
and aggrandizement of the American people. Tbo Secretary of State, therefore, avows to Messrs. 



Forsyth and Crawford that he looks patiently but confidently for the cure of evils which have re- 
sulted from proceedings so unnecessary, so unwise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to irregular 
negotiations, having in view new and untried relations, with agencies unknown to and acting in 
derogution of the Constitution nnd laws, but to regulnr und considerate action of the people at 
those states, in co-operation with their brethren in the other states, through tho Congress of the 
United States, nnd such extraordinary conventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the federal 
Conslitntiori contemplates and authorizes to be assembled. 

It is, however, the purpose nf the Secretary of State, on this occasion, not to invite or engage in 
uny discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth bis reasons for declining to comply with 
the request of Messrs, Forsyth nnd Crawford. 

On the 4th of March inst., the newly-elected President of the United States, in view of all tho 
facts bearing on the present question, assumed the executive administration of the government, 
first delivering, in accordance with nn early, honored custom, an inaugural address to the people 
of the United States. The Secretary of State respectfully submits a copy of this address to Messrs. 
Forsvth and Crawford. 

A'simple reference to it will be sufficient to satisfy those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, 
guided by the principles therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming 
that the states referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the federal Union, or 
that they could do so in the manner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other 
manner than with the consent and concert of the" people of the United Slates, to be given through 
a national convention, to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the Constitution of the 
Uoitcd States. Of course the Secretary of State can not act upon the assumption, or in any way 
admit that the so-called Confederate Slntes constitute a foreign power, with whom diplomatic re- 
lations ought to be established. 

Under these circumstances, the Secretary of State, whose official duties nre coofined, subject to 
the direction of the President, to the conducting of the foreign relations of the country, and do not 
at all embrace domestic questions, or questions arising between the several states nnd the federal 
government, is unable to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crnwford to appoint a 
dav on which they may present the evidences of their authority nnd the objects of their visit to 
the President of toe United States. On the contrary, he is obliged to state to Messrs. Forsyth nnd 
Crawford that he has no authority, nor is he at liberty to recognize them as diplomatic agents, or 
hold correspondence or other communication with them. 

Finally, the Secretary of State would observe that, although he has supposed that he might safely 
and with propriety have adopted these conclusions without malting any reference of the subject to 
the executive, yet, so strong has been bis desire to practice entire directness, and to act in a spirit 
of perfect respect and candor toward Messrs. Forsvth and Crawford, nnd that portion of the Union 
in whose name they present themselves before him, that be has cheerfully submitted this paper to 
the President, who coincides generally in the views it expresses, and sanctions the secretary's de- 
cision declining official intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. 

Confederate Commissioners' final Letter to Secretary Stward. 

Wuhington, April !>, Mil. 
IIon.Wrall.!se«srd,8«r t O i7orst«tenrib6'UaltrfBlst«j^MMngtoni 

The "memorandum" dated Department of State, Washington, March 1G, 1861, has been re- 
ceived through the hands of Mr. J. T. Pickett, secretary to ibis commission, who, by the instruc- 
tions of the undersigned, called f..r it on yesterday at the department. 

In that memorandum von correctly state the purport of the official note addressed to you by tho 
undersigned on the 13th nil. Without repeating the contents of that note in foil, it is enough to 
sav here that its object was to invite the government of the United States to a friendly considera- 
tion of the relation between the United States and the seven slates lately of the federal Union, but 
now separated from it by the sovereign will of their people, growing out of the pregnant and un- 
deniable fact that those people have rejected the authority of the United Slates, and established a 
government of their own. Those relations had to be friendly or hostile. The people of the old 
and new governments, occupying contiguous territories, had to stand to each other in the relation 
of good neighbors, each seeking their happiness and pursuing their national destinies in their own 
way without interference with the other, or tlicy had to be rival and hostile nations. The gov- 
ernment of the Confederate States had no hesitation in electing its choice in this alternative. 
Frankly and unreserved, seeking the good of the people who had intrusted them with power, in 
tho spirit of humnnitv, of the Christian civilization of the age, nnd of that Americanism which 
regards the true welfare nnd happiness of the people, the government of the Confederate States, 
among its lint acts, commissioned tbo undersigned to approach the government of the United 
States with the olive-branch of peace, nnd to offer to adjust the great questions pending between 
them in tho only way to be justified by the consciences nnd common sense of good men who bad 
nothing but the welfare of the people of the two confederacies at heart t , , . 

Your government has not chosen to meet tho undersigned in the conciliatory and peaceful spirit 
in which they are commissioned. Persistently wedded to those fatal tin ori.-s of construction of the 
federal Constitution al» avs rejected by the statesmen of the South, and adhered to by those of the 
administration school until thev have produced their natural and often-predicted result of the de- 
struction of the Union, under which wo might have continued to live happily and gloriously to- 
gether had tho spirit of tho ancestry who framed the common Constitution animated the hearts 
of all their sons, you now, with a persistence untaught and uncured by the ruin which hns been 
wrought, refuse to recognize the great fnct presented to you of a complulu and successful revolu- 
tion ; yon dose your eyes to tho existence of the government founded upon it, and ignore tho 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



Although Secretary Seward's memorandum was dated March 15th, this 
reply was not written until the 9th of April, the memorandum itself not 
having been sent to the commissioners until the 8th, with their own con- 
sent, they having been willing to await the result of negotiations still more 
irregular than those which they themselves had undertaken. These nego- 
tiations had reference entirely to the condition of Fort Snmter, and the 
course which the government meant to pursue in regard to it. This, in- 
deed, was the material question of the day, the first great problem which 
the government was called upon to solve after the coming in of the new ad- 
ministration. On the 5th of March, President Lincoln's first full day in of- 
fice, and the day on which the confederate commissioners arrived in Wash- 
ington, he received through the War Department a letter from Major Ander- 
son, giving his opinion, and that of all the officers in his command, that re- 
enforcements could not be thrown into the fort in time to prevent its capit- 
ulation, from want of food, with less than a body of 20,000 good and well- 
disciplined men. After a full examination of the case thus submitted, Gen- 
eral Scott and the army officers at Washington coincided with Major An- 
derson's judgment. But no such body of men was at the disposal of the 
government, or could be raised before the garrison at Sumter would be 
starved out. All that could be done, therefore, under the circumstances, 
was either to send provisions to the fort, if that would be allowed, or, if not, 
to evacuate it. But as a peaceful evacuation, unsupported and unexplained 
by any concurrent act of authority, would justly be regarded by the world 
as an admission of the incompetency of the government even to resist its 
own destruction, it was wisely determined to accomplish the re-enforcement 
of the important post of Fort Pickens, that thus it might be seen that, while 
the government was obliged to yield to military necessity on the one hand, 
it none the less asserted its power and maintained its dignity on the other. 
Orders were dispatched (necessarily by sea) for the transfer of troops from 
the frigate Sabine, then lying off Pensacola Harbor, to Fort Pickens ; but 
the officer in command, conceiving himself bound by sonic such sort of 
armistice or agreement on the part of Mr. Buchanan's administration as was 
claimed to exist with regard to Major Anderson's force at Fort Moultrie, 
refused to disembark the troops. The news of this strange and untoward 
complication reached Washington at such a late period of the time allotted 
by circumstances for action, that Fort Pickens could not be re-enforced be- 
fore the garrison at Fort Sumter would be famished. With regard to that 
garrison, therefore, the problem for the government was either to furnish it 
with supplies, or to get it out of the fort, as soon as possible, without loss of 
honor or virtual abdication of authority. 

It was during this perplexity of the government that the confederate 
commissioners awaited a reply to their note to Secretary Seward. Mean- 
time they received assurances from persons of high position, who, to use the 
mildest phrase, availed themselves of their advantages to act as observers and 
go-betweens in the interest of the rebellion (and, sad to relate, an associate 
judge of the Supreme Court was the chief of those who performed these am- 
biguous functions) — first, that Fort Sumter would be evacuated, and, next, 
that it would not be supplied or re-enforced without notice to the Governor 
of South Carolina. Seeing that thus the government would be as nearly as 
possible tied hand and foot by its own acts, and placed at the mercy of the 



high duties of moderation and homonity which attach lo you in dealing with this great fact. 
Bud you met these issues with the frankness and manliness with which the undersigned were In- 
structed to present them to yon and treat them, the undersigned had not now the melancholy duty 
to return home and tell their government and their countrymen that their earnest and ceaseless 
efforts in behalf of peace had been futile, and Unit the government of the United Suites meant to 
subjugate them by force of arms. Whatever may be the result, impartial history will record the 
innocence of the government of the Confederate States, and place the responsibility of the blood 
and mourning that may ensue upon those who have denied the great fundamental doctrine of 
American liberty, that " governments derive their jufit power- From the consent of tlio governed," 
and who have set naval and land armaments in motion to subject the people of one portion of the 
land to the will of another portion. That that can ncvor be done while a freeman survives in the 
Confederate Slates to wield a weapon, the undersigned appeal to past history to prove. These 
military demonstrations against the people of the seceded states are certainly far from being in 
keeping and consistency with the theory of the Secretary of State, maintained in his memoran- 
dum, that these states are still component parts of the late American Union, as the undersigned 
are not aware of any constitutional power in the President of the United Stales to levy war with- 
out the consent of Congress upon a foreign people, much less upon any portion of the people of the 
United States. 

The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to " invite or engage in discus- 
sion" of the subject on which their two governments are so irreconcilably at variance. It is this 
variance that has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. It is 

E roper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the hopes you seem to entertain that, 
y any of the modes indicated, the people of the Confederate States trill ever be brought to sub- 
mit to the authority of the government of the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too, 
when you seek to separate our people from our government, and to characterize (he deliberate, 
sovereign act of the people as a " perversion of a temporary and partisan incitement." If yon 
cherish these dreams you will be awakened from them, and find them 08 unreal and unsubstantial 
as others in which yon have recently indulged. The undersigned would omit the performance of 
an obvious duty were they to fail to make known to the government of the United States that the 
people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a full knowledge of all the 
responsibilities of that act, and with ns firm a determination to maintain it by all the means with 
which Nature has endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off the 
authority of the British crown. 

The nndersigncd clearly understand that you have declined to Appoint a day to enable them to 
lay the objects of the mission with which they are charged before the President of the United 
States, because so to do would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the 
Confederate States. _ This is the vein of thought that pervades the memorandum before us. The 
truth of history requires that it should distinctly npjjcar upon the record that the undersigned did 
not ask the government of the United States lo recognize the independence of the Confederate 
States. They only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new relations 
springing from a manifest and accomplished rcvolntion in the government of the lute federal 
Union. Your refusal to ontertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the active naval and 
military preparation of this government, and a formal notice to (he commanding general of the 
confederate forces in the harbor of Charleston, that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter 
by forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can only be received by the 
world, as a declaration of war against the Confederate States ; f.,r |hd President of the United 
States knows that Fort Sumter can not be provisioned without the effusion of blood. Tho under- 
signed, in behalf of their government and people, accept the gage of buttle thus thrown down to 
them; and appealing to God and the judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their cause, 
the people of the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last against this llagrant and 
open attempt at their subjugation to sectional power. 

This communication can not be properly closed without adverting lo tho date of your memo- 
randum. Tho official note of the undersigned, of tin; 12th of March, was delivered to tho Assist- 
ant Secretary of State on tho 13th of that mouth, tho gcntlemun who delivered it informing him 



insurgents, the commissioners were quite willing to leave the Secretary of 
State's memorandum at the. State Department, subject to such modifications 
as this anticipated military course of the government might compel. But 
when they learned on the 7th that Fort Sumter was to be provisioned and 
Fort Pickens re-enforced, if the government had power to do so, they sent 
their reply to the memorandum, and, solemnly shaking the dust from their 
feet, turned their backs on Washington. 

The expedition for the relief of Fort. Sumter was got under way with all 
possible dispatch ; and notice was sent to Governor Pickens, of South Caro- 
lina, that a peaceable attempt would be made to provision the fort, and that 
if this were resisted, force would be used. The fleet was not a very impos- 
ing one, considering the important occasion of its dispatch. It consisted of 
but three armed vessels, three transport ships, and two steam-tugs. The 
last of these, the Yankee and the Uncle Ben, carried only their ordinary 
crews; the transports (the mail steamers Atlantic, Baltic, and Illinois) bore 
eight hundred men, with provisions; and of the armed ships, the steam 
sloop-of-war Pawnee carried ten guns and a crew of two hundred men ; the 
Powhatan, of' like grade, eleven guns and two hundred and seventy-five 
men ; while the third was but a steam revenue cutter, the Uarrict Lane, 
which had hastily assumed the naval colors, and which carried but five 
small guns and ninety-six men*— the military and naval force, all told, con- 
sisting of but 1380 men and twenty-six cannon. Yet even this meagre 
armament was raised with difficulty under pressure of the great emergency. 
But not even all of these vessels left port with Charleston as their ultimate 
destination. The Atlantic and the Illinois, with eight hundred and fifty 
of the troops, were ordered to Fort Pickens ; the armed steamers, the Baltic, 
with one hundred and sixty troops, and the steam-tugs, were instructed to 
rendezvous off Charleston Harbor, the commander having put to sea with 
scaled orders as to his farther operations. Those orders were that unarmed 
boats should be first sent in with provisions to Fort Sumter, and that, if 
these met with resistance, all means should be used to re-enforce as well as 
to supply it. 

Nearly four months had now elapsed since Major Anderson had hastily 
sought the protection of this isolated strong-hold for his little band of fifty- 
five artillerists, nine officers, fifteen musicians, and thirty laborers. When 
he took up that position, it seemed to people generally as if he was abso- 
lutely unassailable, except by a fleet and by hunger. The former, it was 
well known, the insurgents were without; and it was supposed that the 
possession of it by the government would deprive them of the assistance of 
the latter. Fort Sumter was regarded as one of the strongest works within 
the limits of the republic. Built upon an artificial island in Charleston Har- 
bor, at the cost to the nation of a million of dollars, it had all the advantages 
of inaccessible position, and the highest resources of engineering skill. Its 
pentagonal walls of brick and compact concrete were twelve feet thick at 
the base and eight at the parapet, which rose sixty feet from the foundation. 
On four of its five sides it was pierced for two tiers of guns, to which were 
added a third (called en barbette), fired from the parapet; but the fifth side, 
looking southward upon Charleston, was almost without defense, and weak- 
ened by the sally-ports and the clocks ; for the strong-holds of the republic, 
like its Constitution, were constructed upon the reasonable supposition that 



Otlld call at 12 o'clock, noon, on the nest day, for an nn- 
;ctt did call, and was informed by the Assistant Secretary 



that the secretary of this com 
swer. At the appointed hou: 
of State that the engagement 
his attention. The A--i-tant 
and Forsyth, the members "f il» cmmi—ion then present in ibis city, took note of the address on 
n card, and engaged to Bond whatever reply might be made to their lodgings. Why this was not 
done it is proper should lie here explained. The memorandum is dated March 15, and was not 
delivered until April 8. Why was it withheld during the intervening twenty- three days? In tho 
postscript to your memorandum you say it " was delayed, as was understood, with their (Messrs. 
Forsyth and Crawford's] consent," This is true; but it is also true that on the 10th or March 
Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford were assured by o person occupying a high official position in the 
government, and who, as they believed, was speaking by authority, that Fort Snmter would bo 
evacuated within u very few days, and that no measure changing the existing status prejudicially 
to the Confederate States, as rcsjiccts fort Pickens, was then contemplated, and these assurances 
were subsequently repented, with the addition that any contemplated change as respects Pickens 
would be notified to us. On the 1st of April we were nuriin informed that there might be nil at- 
tempt to supply Fort Sumter with provisions, but that Governor Pickens should have previous 
notice of this attempt. There was no suggestion of nay re-en I'oreemonts. The undersigned did 
not hesitate to believe that thee umurinirrs expressed the intentions of the administration at tho 
time, or, at all events, of prominent i.n mturs of that administration. This delay was assented 
to for tho express purpose of attaining the great end of the mission of the undersigned, to wit: n 
pacific solution of exist w.x i"iiipli< utiouv The inference dcdueible from the date of your memo- 
randum, (hat the undersigned had, of their own volition, and without cause, consented to this long 
hiatus in tho grave duties with which they were charged, is, therefore, not consistent with a just 
exposition of tho facts of tho case. The intervening tvoou -three days ucre employed in activo 
unofficial efforts, the oliject of which was to smooth the path to a ]■■•< it . mini inn. the distinguished 
pcr6onage alluded to co-operating with the undersigned; and cvury step of that effort is recorded 

in writing, and now in possession of the undersigned I of then government. It was only when 

all these anxious efforts for peace had been exhausted, anil it became clear that Mr. Lincoln had 
determined to upj-.'.it to the -unr<l to reduce tin 1 pc |]i- i<l r In- Confederate Slates to the will of the 
section or party whose president he is, that the under-igiicd resumed the official negotiation tem- 
porarily suspended, and sent their secretary for a reply to their official note of March 12. 

It is proper to add that, during these twenly-three doys, two gentlemen of official distinction as 
high as that of the personage hitherto alluded to, aided the undersigned as iutermediarics in these 
unofficial negotiations for peace. 

The undersigned, commissioners of the Confederate States nf America, having thus made an- 
swer to all they deemed material in the memorandum filed in the department on the l'.th of March 
lust, have the honor to be, -John Forsyth, 

Mautik J. Crawford, 
A. B. lion AN, 

A true copy of tho original by me delivered to Mr. F. W. Seward, Assistant Secretary of State 
of the Uuited States, at 8 o'clock in the evening of April D, IBS). 

Attest, J. T. Pickrtt, Secretary, etc., etc. 

Mr. Seward, in II- ply (o the Cuintaissitmem, rtcknmrlnl)< .i the. Hrxnipt of their Letter, but decline* to 

Impart men t of Slnle, WuhliiKton, April 10,1601. 

Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford, and Roman, having been apprised by a memorandum which has been 
delivered to them that tho Secretary of State is not at liberty to hold official intercourse with 
them, will, it is presumed, expect no notice from him of the new communication which they have 
addressed to him under dale of tho Dth inst., beyond the simple acknowledgment of the receipt 
thereof, which he hereby very cheerfully gives. 

A truo copy of tho original received by the commissioners of the ( '..nf derate States, this 10th 
day of April, 1861. Attest, J. T. Pickktt, Secretary, etc, etc 



1861.] 



FORT SUMTER. 



57 




there -won] J be little occasion for defense against domestic violence. Charles- 
ton, indued, being three miles and a half from Fort Sumter, was out of reach 
of any ordnance in use at the time -when it was built, and, in fact, of any 
among Its armament at the time when it was first threatened— threatened by 
the people whom it was built chiefly to protect. Around it, uniting baste, 
determination, and ingenuity, they bad drawn a nearly complete circle of 
"heavy batteries. The guns which Major Anderson had left maimed in Fort 
Moultrie had been unspiked ; others had been added ; the repairs which he 
had begun were nearly completed; and, strengthened with some traverses, 
the old fort, though not so large or so strong as Sumter, was yet a very for- 
midable work. It mounted eleven heavy siege-pieces and several mortars, 
and was a little more than a mile from Sumter. At Fort Johnson — the 
name retained by the site of an old and long-abandoned and ruined fortifi- 
cation — two large sand batteries had been erected, and armed with heavy 
guns and mortars. These batteries were distant one mile and a quarter 
from Fort Sumter, and were the nearest to the city of all the guns which 
bore upon Major Anderson. Upon Cummings's Point, the part of Sullivan's 
Island nearest to Fort Sumter, and only three quarters of a mile distant, a 



singular battery had been built. It was constructed of heavy yel- 
low pine logs, and was protected from shell by a slanting roof of 
the same material. But over the logs was laid a mail armor of rail- 
way iron, strongly clamped and dovetailed. The port-holes were 
provided with doors like those of a man-of-war, and these also were 
covered with iron armor, and fell at the recoil of the guns, thus af- 
fording complete protection to the men who served the guns, ex- 
cept at the moment of aiming and firing. This battery mounted 
three heavy columbiads. Another battery, even more novel and cu- 
rious, bad been built at Charleston itself with an enterprise and me- 
chanical ingenuity altogether unexpected. This was a floating bat- 
tery, made, like that on Cummings's Point, of pine logs, and covered 
with a double layer of railway iron. It was a nondescript struc- 
ture, not at all like either a vessel or a fort. It looked like a large 
shed, some hundred feet in length and twenty-five in width, and 
had been much laughed at while it was building. It presented no 
perpendicular face at the point of attack, only sloping surfaces of 
heavy iron. The magazine stretched along in the rear below the 
water-line, and was protected with layers of sand-bag?, which help- 
ed to balance the weight of the four enormous siege-guns which it 
mounted. A floating hospital was attached to the stern of this gro- 
tesque, but, as it proved, really formidable structure. Other bat- 
teries of inferior power spotted the sandy shore within cannon or 
mortar range of Sumter; and all this preparation for the destruc- 
tion of bis post and the humiliation of his flag Major Anderson had 
been obliged to see going on unchecked within range of his batteries 
fur four weary months. Strange, unprecedented, absurd, anomalous 
position ! Sorely-tried major of artillery, found faithful in all things 
— faithful even to what seemed sure-coming death, and what was 
sure-coming surrender — while life and military honor were both to 
be saved by one word from your lips, Fire ! which would have been 
answered by cheers over half a continent! Standing, not supine, 
not with hands tied, but vigilant, with bands free and full of arms, 
while your enemy dug his pits and set up his engines before your 
face and within your reach, affronting you each morning with some 
new device, which you, each morning, could have blown straight 
into the limbo where all such works deserve to go — will go forever 
where the cause of truth, and right, and universal good-will, for which you 
and your worthy comrades, with patient heroism, endured so much, prevails. 
Your foes did not quite trust your forbearance ; for yonder upon Sullivan's 
Island, behind that brushwood and those slopes of sand, which, even to your 
penetrating glass, seem but the common fringing of a barren beach, is a tre- 
mendous battery of siege-guns and mortars, of which you will see nothing 
and hear nothing until you see their fire and hear their roar. 

Such preparation had been made in Charleston Harbor for the reduction 
of Fort Sumter when the news arrived that the mission of the insurgent 
commissioners to Washington had entirely failed, and also that an expedi- 
tion for the relief of the fort was about to sail. Immediately there was bus- 
tle aud excitement of a military sort — the going to and fro of aids-de-camp 
and orderlies, and marching. Not a little of it superfluous, we may honest- 
ly believe; but somewhat may be pardoned to the ardor of such very inex- 
perienced aids, and orderlies, and soldiers, in virtue of their earnestness; for 
they were in earnest, and actually meant to fight the government of the 
United States, and, what was worse, believed, and not without some reason, 
that they could fjgbt it and live. To man the batteries of the insurgents in 




HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



M/S 



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lHtii.] 



FORT SUMTER. 



Charleston Harbor a force of one thousand men would have been more than enough ; but about 
seven thousand men were assembled there under the command of General Beauregard, and of 
these, four thousand were sent to the works, the remaining three thousand being held in reserve 
at the citj. 

It was on the 8th of April, 1862, that the issue was presented to the insurgents that tbey 
must allow the government to retain peaceful possession of its own fortress or expel its garrison 
by force. No communication was held with the insurgent administration at Montgomery; but 
on that day a messenger arrived from Washington to the Governor of South Carolina, inform- 
ing him that provisions would be sent to Fort Sumter, and that, if they were not permitted to 
reach it peaceably, force would be used. Such had been the nature of the abnormal negotia- 
tions, understandings, or what not, between the representatives, authorized and unauthorized, 
open' and secret, of the insurgents at Washington and the government, that honor, as well as 
policy, was thought to require the giving of this information. Upon receiving it, General Beau- 
regard immediately communicated it by telegraph to Montgomery, where the question which it 
presented was considered for twenty-four hours ; and on the 10th the confederate commander 
received an order to demand the evacuation of the fort, and, if this was refused, to commence 
the attack. He made the demand the next day at noon, in courteous phrase, of course, with the 
usual expressions of a desire to avoid the effusion of blood, and with a compliment to the con- 
stancy of Major Anderson, which came gracefully from a late companion in arms. The terms 
were the most honorable that could be offered. The abandonment of his post, which they were 
intended to grace, was promptly refused by Major Anderson as inconsistent with his sense of 
honor and his obligations to bis government. As he bade General Beauregard's messengers 
farewell, he said to them that be should be starved out in a few days, unless the fort was pre- 
viously brought about bis ears by their fire. This casual remark, natural enough to a military 
man under all the circumstances, was reported at once all over the country, and seemed as 
strangely peaceful and superfluous, to say the least, to the multitude, as the good-natured mutual 
admissions of opposing counsel do to their incensed and mutually glowering clients; and it was 
even made the occasion of the impeachment of Major Anderson's loyalty. General Beauregard, 
however, although he did not so misunderstand it, yet immediately telegraphed it, with the re- 
fusal, to the confederate government, from whom he as promptly received authority to accept 
from Major Anderson, as an alternative of an attack, an agreement to evacuate the fort within 
a few days, and not to use his guns against the insurgent batteries unless tbey first opeued fire 
on bim. " Two of General Beauregard's aids arrived at Fort Sumter about midnight of that day, 
the 11th, with a proposal of this alternative, and the authority to enter at once into the agree- 
ment in question. The negotiation was thus hastily pressed through that sleepless night be- 
cause the relieving flotilla was known to the insurgents to be already in the offing, though he 
for whose relief it came was ignorant of their presence, and even of the purpose of the govern- 
ment ; for communication with him had been cut off for four days, and the last messenger from 
Washington— Lieutenant Talbot, one of his own garrison — had not been allowed to return to 
him. In his final summons General Beauregard requested Major Anderson to communicate to 
his aids an open answer, which they awaited. This be did at half past two, offering to evacuate 
the fort on the loth if he did not previously receive controlling instructions or supplies, and 
agreeing, meantime, not to open fire unless in case of hostile demonstration against the fort, or 
against the flag of his government. This offer, which was to go out unless be was ordered to 
remain, and was able to do so, and which secured him the right of defending any vessel which 
entered the harbor under the United States flag, was not at all what General Beauregard re- 
quired; and so, at twenty minutes past three o'clock on the morning of the 12th, the aids-de- 
camp informed Major Anderson that fire would be opened upon bim in one hour, and there- 
upon took final leave. 6 



' The following is the correspondet 

L. P. Wither, Secretary ol 



icdiately preceding the hostili 



srltr.'ton, April B. 



rfWw: 



Unless there are especial reasons connected with y 
demand at an early hour. 



L. P. Walkeh, Secretary of War. 

Charleston, April 10, 

G. T. Beafhegard. 

Mont gamer}', April 10. 

n condition, it is considered [.roper that von should make the 
L. P. Walker," Secretary of War. 
Charleston, April 10. 
G. T. Beauregard. 



Head-quarter.', Provisional Anrvr, C. S. A.. Charleston, S. . April 11. 1 "01 -2 P.M. 

Sir,— The government of the Confederate Stales has hitherto forborne fr»m any hi. -til- .(emon-t ration .i t '.,m-t F.,rt Sum- 
ter in the hope that the government of the United States, with a view to the amicable adjustment of all questions between 
the two governments, and to avert the calamities of war, would voluntarily evacuate it. There was reason at one time to 
believe that such would he the course panned by the government or the United States, and under that impression my gov- 
ernment has refrained from making any demand for the surrender of the fort. 

Bnt the Confederate Slates can no longer delay assuming actual possession of a fortification commanding the entrance of 
one of their harbors, and necessary to its defease and security. 

I am ordered bv the government of the Confederate Mates to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My aids, Colonel 
Chesnut nad Captain Lee, are authorized to make such demund uf you. All proper facilities will he afforded for the re- 
moval of vourself and command, together with company arms and property, and nil private property, to any post in the 
United Slate* which you may elect. The flag which you have upheld so long and with so much fortitude, under the most 
trying circumstances, may be saluted by you on taking it down. 

Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee will, for n reasonable time, await your answer. I am, sir, very respectfully, your obe- 
dient servant,' G. T. BEAiJBEGAan, Brigadier Genend Commanding. 

Major Robert Anderson, Commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, 6. C. 

Head -nnnrters, Fort Sumter, S. C, April ttth, 1681. 
GmtEBAL,— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort; 
and to Bay in reply thereto that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligations to my gov- 
ernment prevent my compliance. 
Thanking yon for the fair, manly, 



v r.-.-]-ci'tfiil]v, your o- 
'To llrlgadlir Lvuitnl i.i. 



m 



i« 



. senger from President Lincoln just informed Governor Pickens and myself thnt provisions will be sent 

Co Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force. G- T. BEAunEGABD. 

Montgomery, 10th. 
Gen. G. T. Beauregard, Charleston : 
If yon have no doubt uf the authorized character of the agent who communicated to yon the intention of the Washington 
Rovernraent to supply Fort Sumter by force, yon will at once demand its evacuation, and, if this is refused, proceed m — ' 
a manner as you may determine to reduce it. Answer. 



•■">: 



s term? proposed, and for the high compliment paid me, I am, general, 
ItoBERr Akuebbon, Major U. S. Army, Commanding. 

T. ikuun ■(.'ufil, co ion mud I on iT'.vl-loDal Army, C. S. A. 

MonlgoniDry, April 11. 
tlen. B*atir«rard, Charleston : 
We do not de-ire neclle-'ly to bombard Fort Sumter, if Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by him, 
he will evacuate, and agree 'that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us, nnlcM ours should be employed 
against Fort Sumter. Yon nre thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent t* 1 refused, reduce the fort ua 
your judgment decides to be most practicable. L. P. Walk en. Secretary of War. 

Head -quarters, prorlilona! Army, OL P- A., Chorlwt.>o. April 11, IBM, 11 P.M. 
Major, — In consequence of the verbal observations made by you to my aids, Messrs. Chesnul and Lee, in relation to the 
condition of your supplies, and that yon would in a few days be starved out ifonrgnns did not batter yon to puces, or words 
to that effect, and desiring no useless effusion of blood, 1 communicated both the verbal observation and your written an- 
swer to my communication to my government. 

If you will state the lime at which you will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that, in the mean lime, you will not use your 
guns against ns unless ours shall be employed against Fort Sumter, we will abstain from opening fire npon you. Colonel 



i 



60 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



Without a doubt this issue was expected. It at least found General Beau- 
regard prepared to keep the appointment of his representatives with suffi- 
cient punctuality. The hour went slowly by, and the batteries were silent. 
Five anxious minutes more were counted, and the dark quiet of the night 
was yet unbroken ; but hardly were another five completed when the flash 
and the dull roar of a mortar came from the battery on Sullivan's Island. 
The conscious shell went up shrieking and wailing along its fiery curve, 
and, lingering reluctantly before its downward plunge, burst as it fell di- 
rectly over the doomed fortress. No meteor of more direful portent ever 
lit the sky ; for this told surely of tbe beginning of a civil war, compared to 
which all civil wars before it were as squabbles in a corner — a war in which 
millions of men were to be engaged, and which was to scatter ruin and want, 
not only through the country in which it raged, but across the sea, among 
two of the most powerful nations of the world; which was to convert half 
a continent into one great battle-ground, and strew it from east to west with 
the graves of its citizens slaughtered to gratify the base ambition and tbe 
disappointed pride of a small factious oligarchy, who justified to themselves 
their attempt to destroy a government upon the monstrous assumption of 
the right of one man- to own and use another as his property. But to the 
eager neophytes in war who mauned the Charleston batteries, this shell was 
merely the signal for tbe beginning of a bombardment in which they ex- 
pected to run some risk and to gam much glory; for they knew well their 
overwhelming superiority both in numbers and in weight of artillery, and 
they knew how wasted, worn, and weary their handful of opponents were 
with want of food, anxiety, and watching. They expected, too, tha* after 
a few such contests — enough to show the government and the people Df the 
free states that they really meant rebellion, they would attain their purposes, 
and be in a position so to remodel the map of North America as to secure 
the perpetuation of negro slavery throughout the larger part of its temper- 
ate climes, and (what was the real object sought by their insurrection) the 
political and social predominance of the slavebolding oligarchy. So mis- 
erably had politicians been able to cause the citizens of the republic to 
misunderstand each other I so miserably had some of them deceived them- 
selves I After the firing of this signal mortar, the discharge of which was 
fitly committed to the hands of Edmund Ruffin, a Virginian, who had grown 
gray during his untiring efforts to bring about the struggle which he then 
began, there was a short pause of preparation, and then fire was opened 
from the whole crescent of batteries which more than half encircled the 
fort; for the water batter)' had been towed down two days before, and an- 
chored on the undefended side which looked toward Charleston. From this 
time the discharge of shot and shell against the fort was kept up without 
ceasing; but tbe fort did not reply. The insurgent artillerists could see 
their balls strike against its sides, splintering the parapet and the embrasures, 
and their bombs fall within its inclosure, and hear them explode. An hour 
of this firing passed, and not a shot came back. Time wore on, and the 
bombardment was kept up until those to whom had been committed the 
doubtful honor of opening it grew tired with their unaccustomed task, and 
yielded their places to others, and still the fort was silent. More than two 
hours had thus passed in this one-sided contest. What could it mean? Did 
Major Anderson intend to preserve the inoffensive attitude which he had 
maintained for months, bear without resistance the fierce attacks of the bat- 
teries which he had allowed to be constructed around him, and, trusting 
solely to the endurance of his walls and his men, leave to his assailants, al- 
ready committed to an inglorious contest, only the contemptible business of 
a fierce onslaught upon men who refused to fight them ? Perhaps it would 
have been as well had be added that shame to the meed of their two days' 
labor; but bis duty, of course, prevented his thought of such a purpose. 
He was not politic, he was only prudent. 

Upon the departure of General Beauregard's aids from the fort tbe flag 
was raised, the posterns closed, the sentinels withdrawn from the parapet, 
and -orders given that the men should not leave the bomb-proofs without 
special orders. At half past six o'clock the shrill notes of "Peas upon a 
trencher," piercing the uproar of the bombardment, called the garrison, as 
usual, to breakfast, which they ate leisurely and calmly. Major Ander- 
son knew that if eighty men (only enough to work nine guns properly) 
were to do any thing against such a fire as had been opened upon him, it 
could only be with the careful husbanding of their strength and nervous 
energy; and therefore be had reserved his fire until be could use his guns 
in broad daylight, and send his men to their work with the support of the 
best breakfast his meagre stores could furnish. He then divided his com- 
mand into three reliefs, assigning officers and men as equally as possible to 



Chesnut nnd Cajimin L 
are therefore requested 
fully, your obedient servani 

Major iiobcrt Andmon, cou 



uthorized by mo to enter into such an agreement will you. You 
: .to them an open answer. I remain, major, very respect- 
- G. T. Dkauiieoaiid, Bripadier Ueiit-i-jl' Commanding, 
minding nt Fort riumicr. CanrtoWon llnrhor, S. C. 



Gbj-eral,— ] [ have the honor to acknowledge tin- receipt of v.-.ir .eeond eoiiitmimetui,,,, of il„. 
Ulliinst., by Col. f hesnot, and re, suite, in rq.lv. il,„t, < rimllv uniting will, you in the desire to 
avoid the ilu-I.-ss effusion of blood, I will, if provided whh the proper and neec^ary moons of 
ransportaiion. evae^.te ]■',.„ Smnu'r bv noon on the loll, in,,., -honld 1 not ,eeeive, ,,rior to Mo 
lime, controlling in-trin:ti.,„. |,.„„ my government, or additional applies ; nnd that I will not in 
eon time, open my fire upon your forces unless compelled to do so bv some hostile net 
t this fort, or the flag of my government, bv the forces under your command, or by some 
1 ?l:. r .™' ° r .J ,y J , P^trationof some net showing a hostile intention on your part 
ive the honor to be, general, voiir obedient scrvnnt, 
ItonBRT AuDBnaoN, Major U. S. A., Commanding. 



agon 

portion 

against this fort, or the flag it bci 

To Drlssdlcr Gcncril G. T. Beauregard, tommandiDB'provWo^n['Anny,'lJ.''a 

.v B S'"; B / ""'"""'y of Brigadier GenernI Beauregard, «,„, 

the Confederate States, »c have- the honor to notify you lint he „j ,..,, ,|„ ,],,. of | liB h , 

asassa? °" " onr " om ^,:rc,,s,:"xiiz;,'° b " my re " raM, «~' 

M.I.. „. Urt , n . _ „ . . Stephen D. Li>i;, Captain C. S. Army nnd Aid-dc-comp. 
w*)or Hoben Aadcrwa, United BtflloJ Army, conunimdlos Fort Hurnier. ' 



each. The great inequality of the contest did not exist only in tbe numbers 
of men and the weight of metal which were opposed. The fort, though its 
magazines were well stored with powder, had a very small supply of car- 
tridges; there were no scales with which to weigh powder, and "only six 
needles with which to sew cartridge-bags; and there were neither tangent 
scales, nor breech sides, nor any other instrument for pointing a gun. Bread 
there was none ; only salt pork. Under these privations, accurate firing and 
a long defense were equally impossible. The fire which had now been kept 
up for two hours and a half was much severer and more extended even than 
Major Anderson bad looked for; for tbe masked battery of heavy colum- 
biads on Sullivan's Island, the existence of which he had not suspected, en- 
filaded the fort, and was served with great energy and precision. It proved, 
too, that there was only one face of the work which was not seen in reverse 
(that is, open to a fire in the rear) from mortars. It was to such an attack 
that Major Anderson gave the order to reply soon after seven o'clock on 
tbe morning of Friday, the 12th of April. Captain Doubleday, his second 
in command, fired the first gun, and immediately tbe fort opened upon all 
the principal assailing batteries. 

How unequal the fight was to be was not discovered in Sumter until after 
it had well begun ; for it had been decided to use but two of the three tiers 
of guns with which the fort was mounted — those in the lower casemates and 
those upon the parapet; and tbe embrasures of the second tier were built 
up with earth, and brick, and stone. The parapet, or barbette guns, being 
of the heaviest calibre, capable of crushing even the armor of tbe iron-plated 
batteries, and also being, on account of their position, those only from which 
shells could be thrown, were most relied upon, and, for tbe protection of the 
artillerists at these, much labor had been expended since the time when an 
attack seemed imminent. But tbe vertical fire of shells from the insurgent 
batteries was so copious and well directed that this tier of guns had to be 
abandoned in the very beginning of the contest, and only two or three of 
them were fired surreptitiously by some of the men, whom neither danger 
nor command could deter from yielding to the temptation of using these 
formidable weapons against the enemy. But these stolen delights were 
merely imaginary ; tbe hasty and careless firing of these great guns proving 
more dangerous to the fort and its defenders than to its assailants. One of 
them was not only thrown from its carriage by its own recoil, but dismount- 
ed another near it. Thus, in the very beginning, Major Anderson found 
himself deprived of what be relied upon as bis main stay, and confined to 
the use of his lower tier of casemates. The rebel artillerists thus attained 
comparative security during almost the entire bombardment ; for while they 
deprived the fort of the service of the only guns which could breach their 
walls, and, what was of more consequence, of the mortars which could have 
made havoc in tbeir crowded open batteries, they themselves were able to 
pour a continuous shower of bursting shells upon every part of the fort 
which was exposed. This they did with notable skill and regularity of 
fire; but their direct fire was not nearly so effective. A large proportion 
of the solid shot missed the fort in tbe first hours of the bombardment, and 
those which were better aimed scattered themselves all over its sides, and 
thus did little injury of immediate importance. Two of the guns upon the 
parapet were hit, however — one being dismounted, and the other broken ; 
and three of the iron cisterns over the hallways were penetrated by shot, 
the water pouring in floods upon the quarters below. The parade, where 
five large columbiads had beeu arranged for the purpose of throwing shells, 
was made absolutely untenable by the constant explosion of those dreadful 
missiles. It was in the midst of such a fire as this that the first relief in the 
fort went to their work. But they were allowed to fight alone only a very 
short time. No duty of the soldier is so trying as that of bearing an attack 
without resistance. Under such circumstances, raw troops in the field al- 
most invariably waver, and, if the trial be continued too long, break and fly : 
only well disciplined veterans can bear the moral strain which such circum- 
stances put upon them. In the present case, tbe whole garrison had been 
wrought up to a high pitch of excitement by a nearly three hours' bombard- 
ment without a shot in reply ; and soon after tbe fort first opened fire they 
broke through the order of the day, and were all engaged heart and soul in 
the fight, with the tacit consent of their commander. Thus for the first four 
hours they kept up such a fire that the assailants were astonished, and be- 
lieved that their watchfulness bad been outwitted, and that the fort had been 
largely re-enforced. Soon the musicians and the workmen, functionally non- 
combatant, caught the infection. They joined the artillerists in working 
the guns, and, after a little practice as assistants, went off by themselves and 
brought new pieces into action. But, although every man of that small 
band thus did even more than bis duty, and did it like a hero, it was soon 
apparent that they could work little harm to their multitudinous and well- 
protected assailants. A gun was silenced for a while in Fort Moultrie, the 
embrasures of which were somewhat injured, and the barracks riddled. One 
shot penetrated the floating battery, and wounded one man; but from the 
mailed side of this battery all the other shot which struck it glanced off 
harmlessly. The much more formidable iron-clad battery on Cummings's 
Point proved invulnerable to tbe shot of any piece which could be used 
against it ; and, although the embrasures were hit two or three times, no se- 
rious injury was done to the guns or those who manned them. The other 
batteries seemed to be almost entirely unharmed. Lack of skill was not the 
cause of this ineffectiveness any more than lack of courage. But it proved 
that the calibre of the guns in the lower tier of casemates, to the use of which 
Major Anderson was confined, was too small to make their fire effective on 
iron-clad batteries, or even on such a strong piece of masonry as Fort Moul- 
trie, at the distances at which they stood. 
Four hours had passed 6ince the besieged had opened fire, making, in 



1861.] 



FOET SUMTER. 




HABPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1S61. 



' 



m 



V;il' 



vain, a better figbt than they 
could bope to make again ; 
and now the tremendous con- 
verging fire of the assailants 
was beginning to tell upon the 
walls and parapet, and their 
shells made the ramparts and 
the parade untenable. ' Still 
the garrison were all unharm- 
ed, fur tbey kept within the 
casemates as much as possible, 
and look-outs were stationed 
at commanding points, who 
gave warning when a shot was 
about to strike or a shell to 
burst. About twelve o'clock, 
through the port-holes was 
seen the welcome sight of 
armed vessels under the old 
flag. The fleet bad arrived 
off the Bar. Tbey dipped 
tbeir flags in token of saluta- 
tion and encouragement, and, 
although bombs were pouring 
ceaselessly into the parade of 
the fort, where the flag-staff 
stood, Sumter's flag was dip- 
ped in answer. In fact, men 
could not have behaved with 
more intrepid gallantry than 
was displayed by the few de- 
fenders of this fort. During 
the first day of the bombard- 
ment, the quarters were set on 
fire three times by the ene- 
my's shells, and put out amid a 
storm of missiles which made 
the escape of any of those who 
thus exposed themselves to it 
seem almost miraculous. The 
fire upon one gun was so con- 
stant and so close that it was 
abandoned; but, ere long, fire 
was renewed from it, and an 
officer, going to the spot, found 
a party of laborers engaged in 
serving it. Tbey bad turned 
it upon the floating battery, 
and one of them was still 
watching the effect of the last 
shot, forgetting his danger in 
his delight, as he saw the ball 
take effect in the very middle 
of the battery. 

In the afternoon the fire of 
the rifled guns in the iron-clad 
Cummings's Point battery be- 
came very accurate and se- 
vere. It was aimed at the 
embrasures, the masonry of 
which was cut out and scatter- 
ed among the artillerists at al- 
most every shot, bruising and 
stunning them often, but, for- 
tunately, killing none. Tbey 
all kept at their work without 
respite, and bad their meals 
served to them at their guns. 
Soon after midday, the num- 
ber of cartridges, of which it 
bad been possible to prepare 
only seven hundred, had been 
so much reduced, and the abil- 
ity to supply them was so 
small, that it became necessary 
to abandon all the guns but 
sis. With these, a regular but 
not very formidable fire was 
kept up until darkness fell 
upon the scene, when the port- 
holes were closed for the night, 
and the besieged garrison with- 
drew to pass the anxious hours 
in brief alternations of rest, 
work, and watching. 

Thus began one of the 
strangest contests known to 
the annals of war — a contest 



strange not only in the circumstances under which it was brought about, 
but in those under which it was carried on. For, thus far, no war had 
been declared, directly or by implication, between the government of the 
United States and the confederated insurgents at Montgomery, although an 
act of insurrectionary violence had been committed by the residents of 
Charleston in firing upon the Star of the West. Intercourse between all 
parts of the country was still nominally free, and to all the people of the se- 
ceding states actually so. The telegraph — that marvelous invention which, 
more than realizing the fairy gifts that dazzle and delight our wondering 
childhood, makes every man an enchanted prince, by bestowing upon him 
eyes that see and ears that bear what is passing at the farthest corners of the 
earth — still kept, though under supervision, all points of the country in com- 
munication. Little restraint was placed upon it in Charleston on this day ; 
and the inhabitants of that decaying, stiff-necked sea-port, who, women as 
well as men, assembled on its battery-promenade to look at the bombard- 
ment, much as similar mixed companies looked in classic days upon blood- 
ier contests in the arena, were hardly more immediate spectators of the figbt 
than the millions of those throughout the land who, whether loyal or dis- 
loyal to the old flag which was then assailed, found their dearest interests 
involved in the issue of that contest. Every stage, every vicissitude of the 
struggle, was reported all over the land with the speed of lightning. The 
daily tasks and pleasures of a great nation were thrown aside, and the whole 
country became one vast amphitheatre, in which the combatants fought out 
their unequal fight with the eyes of thirty millions full upon them. Night 
fell upon the thrilling spectacle with the contest undecided, and sent home 
the spectators of both inclinings, quivering with excitement — the partisans of 
the rebels, however, full of hope and of defiance, those of the soldiers of the 
republic doubtful, depressed, and bitter; yet with their hearts full of an in- 
spiring trouble and a noble wrath, born of a love which tbey had often 
talked about, but the sweet pangs of which few of them had ever felt before. 
Throughout the countrv on that night there was proportionately almost as 
little sleep as there was within Fort Sumter. The nigbt in Charleston Hot- 
bor was dark, wet, and stormy. All through it the insurgents kept up a tire 
of mortars upon the fort, which provoked no reply, but accomplished the 
purpose of depriving the weary garrison of any except the most fitful slum- 
ber. Expecting both an attack by buats and re-enforcements from the fleet, 
Major Anderson posted guards at the most exposed points of the fort; but 
bis watchfulness proved to have been unnceded. The insurgent command- 
er saw that the reduction of the fort by bombardment was sure and speedy, 
and therefore wisely refrained from an assault which must needs be very 
bloody; and the naval forces found themselves entirely unable to move to 
the support of Major Anderson. Only the Pawnee, 10 guns, the Harriet 
Lane, 5 guns, and the transport Baltic, bad arrived off the Bar on the 12th, 
the tug-boats having been detained by rough weather. Without these, the 
orders under which the expedition sailed could not be carried out. These 
were, as we have already seen, that unarmed boats should be first sent in 
with stores, and that, if these were fired upon, an attempt should then be 
made to send in both re-enforcements and supplies by force. But the Baltic, 
the only unarmed vessel, was too deep to pass the Bar ; and, besides, the fort 
was already under fire. The naval commanders, however, upon consulta- 
tion, formed a plan for the relief of Major Anderson, which was to hoist out 
all the boats and launches in the night, load them with the men and stores 
on board the Baltic, tow them in as far as possible, and, in the gray of the 
dawning, let them pull in to the fort, under cover of the guns of the Pawnee 
and the Harriet Lane. A good plan, though a perilous and a daring ; but it 
was entirely frustrated by the nature of the harbor, which did the insurgents 
in this place such good service throughout the whole war. The Baltic got 
aground in the night, during the preparations for the disembarking of her 
troops and stores, and the project was necessarily abandoned. Others were 
formed; but, before tbey could be put into effect, they proved to be un- 
availing. 

The storm subsided, and the sun rose brightly to usher in the final con- 
test of Saturday. The bombardment was resumed by the insurgents with 
more vigor than they bad shown before ; and about nine o'clock the quarters 
and barracks were for the fourth time on fire. The men who were not act- 
ually engaged in serving the few guns in use tried to extinguish the flames. 
For a short time tbey worked like heroes, fighting one fire, and enduring 
another against which they could not fight. Here two non-combatants dis- 
tinguished themselves in this tbeir maiden battle — Mr. Hall, a musician, who, 
throughout the whole bombardment, won the admiration of all by his cool- 
ness, intrepidity, and energy ; and Mr. Peter Hart, a sergeant in the New 
York Metropolitan Police Force, who visited the fort in company with Mrs. 
Anderson, and, on her departure, volunteered to remain there. On this oc- 
casion the orders of the commander could hardly restrain him from fruitless 
exposure of his life, and he afterward performed an act of signal daring. 
The efforts to put out the fire proved to be equally vain and perilous, for 
the enemy now poured in a steady fire of red-hot shot; and as fast as the 
flames wero extinguished in one place, they broke out in another. The task 
was necessarily abandoned for another, yet more important and more dan- 
gerous — the protection of the magazine, and the securing enough powder to 
keep up the fight. Nearly a hundred barrels were taken out amid the roar 
of flames, the crash of falling beams, the flying of red-hot shot, and the ex- 
plosion of shells, and were thrown into the sea. Meantime men were mak- 
ing cartridges as rapidly as possible in the magazine itself, using for that 
purpose blankets, sheets, and shirts, and all similar material that the fort 
could furnish. The supply obtainable in this manner was, however, soon 
exhausted; nnd the heat became so great from the blazing quarters and 
barracks that the magazine could no longer be left open with safety. The 



18 (J 1.] 



FORT SUMTER. 




doors were, therefore, finally closed and locked, and the fight kept up only 
in name, by the occasional irregular discharge of a gun. The situation of 
the garrison, actually desperate from the beginning, was now rapidly ap- 
proaching the last extremity. The main gates took fire, and were soon de- 
stroyed, leaving the fort open to assault from this quarter by overwhelming 
force. The chassis of the barbette guns were burned upon the gorge. The 
heat became so intense, and diffused itself so widely, that the shells and fixed 
ammunition in the upper service magazines exploded, scattering ruin and 
threatening death. The fire from all the insurgent batteries increased in 
fury ; and the continued thunder of their heavy guns, the roar of the flames 
inside the fort, the crash of falling masonry and timber, the bursting of the 
enemy's shells, and the explosion of the ammunition in the service maga- 
zines, combined to make a scene in which grandeur rivaled peril. The 
great extent of the fort, the small number of men within it, and the care 
with which tbey were kept inside the casemates, thus far prevented any se- 
rious casualties. But it seemed as if the garrison were to escape death by 
shot and shell only to meet it by suffocation. The day was warm and 



sultry, the smoke did not rise freely, and the fort became so filled with it 
that the men could hardly see or breathe. The heat itself grew stifling, 
and increased to such a point that it became necessary to protect all the 
powder left of that which had been taken out of the great magazine — only 
four barrels — with wet blankets and other bedding. The men themselves 
were able to get breath only by lying down upon the floors of the case- 
mates, and spreading wet cloths over their faces to exclude the smoke. An 
eddying gust of wind occasionally dispersed the stifling clouds, and relieved 
their distress for lack of air, while it revealed to their sight the terrors of 
their situation. About this time the flag-staff, which, though hit nine times, 
bad thus far escaped with slight injury, was shot away near the top. The 
look-out cried, " The flag is down," and instantly Mr. Hall sprung out 
into the flaming, shot-raked parade, and brought the flag away. But the 
halliards were so entangled that it could not be righted and raised again. 
What should be done? The flag must float, for, terrible as tbe situation 
was, no one had yet spoken of surrender. A temporary staff was rigged 
upon the ramparts, and Police-sergeant Hart volunteered to climb it and 



HAKPER'S PICTORIAL 1 




BOHEAHDMENT OF FOET SUMTEE BY TIliS BAT 




BOMEAHDUENT OF FOI1T SUMTEIi BY THE BATTEP^S OF THE" CONFEDEKATE STATES. AFKIL 13. 1861. 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1881. 




nail the flag fast. This he did while the enemy's batteries kept up their 
furious fire of shot and shell, in the face of which he accomplished his peril- 
ous undertaking, and descended the staff in safety. The enemy, determined 
rebels though they were, could not see unmoved this heroic defense of a 
fortress and a flag for which they felt that only a little while before they 
would have fought with no less gallantry ; and at each of the now rare and 
irregular discharges of a single gun, they leaped upon their own ramparts 
and cheered Major Anderson and his men. 

Under these circumstances, when the only four barrels of powder out of 
the magazine were practically inaccessible, when only three more cartridges 
remained, and they were in the guns, when the tragic interest of the day was 
at its height, the comic actor of the occasion entered upon the scene, and af- 
faire took a ludicrous turn toward peace. The fall of the flag had, of course, 
been noticed, and it had been mistaken in one quarter at least for a sign of 
surrender. Soon after Mr. Hart had nailed it in its new position upon the 
outer wall, a man appeared at an embrasure with a handkerchief tied upon 
a sword, symbolic of the semi-military condition of his mind and person in 



other respects, and demanded admission. It was allowed, and he scrambled 
in. He proved to be the Hon. Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, who had been the oc- 
casion of much laughter in the Senate-chamber, and who was now volun- 
teer aid to General Beauregard. In a fuss and flurry, which provoked the 
smiles of the smoke-grimed soldiers whom he addressed, he said that he 
came from that officer, and asked for Major Anderson. He had gone to the 
main gate to meet the flag of truce, the approach of which had been ob- 
served ; and before he could be summoned, Colonel Wigfall (for such was 
his new title) said, "Your flag is down; you are on Are; let us quit this;" 
and asked to have his extemporized flag of truce displayed from the ram- 
parts He was shown the national flag still flying, and told that if he wished 
his friends to stop firing he must display the flag of truce. This he at once 
did waving it out of an embrasure, which, nevertheless, was nearly hit by 
two or three shots. As it was his flag, and not that of the fort, a corporal 
was then ordered to relieve him ; but the firing being still kept up, because 
of the national flag again floating above the fort, the corporal declined to 
continue his useless exposure, and leaped back into the casemate, where tho 



18G1.] FORT SUMTER 

excited aid-de-camp soundly rated him for bis cowardice. At this point 
Major Anderson came up, and the subsequent colloquy is thus reported by 
an eye-witness to the interview : 

"Wigfell Baid, 'I am Colonel Wigfall, and come from General Beauregard, 
who wishes to stop this.' Major Anderson, rising on his toes, and coming 
down firmly upon his heels, replied, 'Well, sir.' 'Major Anderson,' said 
Wigfall, 'you have defended your flag nobly, sir. You have done all that 
js possible for men to do, and General Beauregard wishes to stop the fight. 
On what terms, Major Anderson, will you evacuate this fort?' Major An- 
derson's reply was, ' General Beauregard is already acquainted with my only 
terms.' 'Do I understand that you will evacuate upon the terms proposed 
the other day?' 'Yes, sir, and on those conditions only,' was the reply 
of the major. 'Then, sir,' said Wigfall, 'I understand, Major Anderson, 
that the fort is to be ours?' 'On those conditions only, I repeat.' 'Very 
well,' said Wigfall ; ' then it is understood that you will evacuate. That is 
all I have to do. You military men will arrange every thing else on your 
own terms.' He then departed, the white flag still waving where he had 
placed it, and the stars and stripes waving from the flag-staff, which had be- 
come the target of the rebels." 

But hardly was he halfway to the shore when a more formal and numerous 
deputation from the staff of General Beauregard— Major Lee, Mr. Porcher 
Miles, ex-Senator Cliesnut, and Mr. Roger A. Pry or — appeared with a flag 
of truce and asked admission, which, of course, was given. They also said 
that they came from General Beauregard. He had noticed that the flag had 
been down ; that the fort was on fire; and lie desired to know if he could 
render any assistance. As Major Anderson's position was the consequence 
of General Beauregard's own acts, this was, of course, but a delicate way of 
asking a surrender. The beleaguered commander was surprised, as well he 
might be, at this deputation from a man with whom he had already agreed 
upon general terms of evacuation, and he replied accordingly, to the great 
discomfiture of the members of the new deputation. These, however, after 
a few minutes' conference, informed Major Anderson that the extempore 
Texan colonel had not seen the rebel commander-in-chief for two days. 
They requested, however, a suspension of hostilities while they bore a writ- 
ten memorandum of Major Anderson's terms to General Beauregard ; but, 
in the" midst of this embarrassment, yet a third flag of truce arrived, borne 
by Major D. R. Jones, the insurgent general's chief of staff, offering the same 
terms of evacuation, with a single exception, which had been proposed be- 
fore the bombardment — to wit, the departure of the whole command, with 
company arms and property, and all private property, and the privilege of 
saluting and keeping the flag — the exception being the salute to the flag. 
These terms Major Anderson positively refused then to accept without the 
salute, but consented tliat that point should remain open for consideration. 



65 




The salute was finally admitted by General Beauregard, who also (with 
equal courtesv, and regard for the condition of a fort which was about to 
pass into his possession) proffered assistance for the extinction of the fire, 
which was declined. The intrepid national commander bad no alternative ■ 
as to the course which he should pursue. He had not lost a man ; but the 
fort had become untenable, and his means of defense were exhausted. Had 
there been time to let the walls cool so that the magazine might be opened, 
to blow down the parapet and build up the great gates with stones and rub- 
bish, the defense might have been prolonged, as far as the fort itself was 
concerned, until the men were exhausted by a diet of sheer salt pork. But, 
even had these circumstances existed, the lack of cartridges and the means 
of making them would have made effective offensive operations impossible.* 
It is said that yet another and still more ludicrous incident lightened the 
closing scenes of this eventful day within the fort. Mr. Roger A.Pryor, of 
Virginia, one of the first deputation from General Beauregard (and who 
seems to have been one of that high (but not highest)style of Southern man 
who vaunts his good-breeding and his chivalry, but has not yet attained to 
quiet self-respect and unassuming confidence in himself, united to scrupu- 
lous regard for the feelings of others, but maintains his superiority by of- 
fensive self-assertion), appeared on this occasion loaded down with arms in- 
cisive and explosive, and bore himself in keeping with his personal appear- 
ance. Seeing upon a table what appeared to be a glass of brandy, he swal- 
lowed it, without pause or ceremony. Surgeon Crawford having caught 
sight of him as he was turning down the dose, approached quickly, and in- 
formed him that what he had drank as brandy was iodide of potassium, a 
deadly poison. Instant collapse on the part of the patient followed this 
announcement; but whether it was due to the poison, or only to the an- 
nouncement, the Muse of History has not been informed. She records with 
pleasure, however, that the valiant Virginian, having been seized upon by the 
benevolent surgeon, was put instantly through such a course of pumping 
and purgation that his life was saved, to be again, in like manner, devoted 
to the cause which he had espoused. It may be cruel, but it is human, to 
suggest that the surgeon, having failed of a single loyal patient through a 
two days' bombardment, was determined to have one at least from the rebel 
side, and seized the occasion of an equally thoughtless and harmless drink- 
ing to gratify at once his professional craving and his excited patriotism. 

Agitating as this day had been in Charleston Harbor, it was none the less 
so outside the bounds of the insurgent confederacy. Throughout the free 
states, and the slave states still under loyal rule, the people rose on that Sat- 
urday morning with their souls filled with the one anxiety which had pre- 
vented or disturbed their rest. The bombardment and the defense would, of 
course, be renewed ; but would Major Anderson be able to hold out until he 
received the re -enforcements and supplies which lay within sight of his ram- 
parts? What of good or ill to the republic would this 
day bring forth ? What of honor or dishonor to the 
flag? The excitement was not turbulent; it hardly ruf- 
fled the surface of society. It was a strong, deep-seat- 
ed trouble ; a sad and almost awful apprehension. It 
sank deeper and spread wider as the hourly dispatches 
told how the stirring fight went "on. In the great 
centres of population and business the streets were 
filled by eager, anxious people, who spoke nervously 
upon the one great theme; and around the many bul- 
letin-boards the crowds were so great as to impede the 
U public passage. The announcements successively made 
of the feebleness of Major Anderson's resistance, of the 
inactivity of the fleet, of the fire, the throwing pow- 
der into the water, the explosions, the silencing of the 
fort, the incomprehensible display of the flag of truce 
at the same time with the national standard, were re- 
ceived with amazement, indignation, and incredulity. 
The southern end of the telegraph was, of course, in 
the hands of the insurgents; and soon these astonish- 
ing, and, as it was thought, absurd reports began to be 
attributed to the malicious perversion of those who 
sent them. The inactivity of the fleet seemed inex- 
plicable ; the story that the fort was on fire was scout- 
quite incredible. Fort Sumter was believed to be 
an almost impregnable mass of solid masonry, as in- 
combustible as the Rock of Gibraltar ; and here it was, 
if the truth were told, burning like a tinder-box. Men 
turned away in scorn ; they could not and would not 
believe it. And when, in the afternoon, the final dis- 
patch came from Charleston, by way of Augusta, that 
the fort had surrendered; that the confederate flag 
floated over its walls, and that none of the garrison 
or confederate troops were hurt, it was thought that 
this was the cap-sheaf of malicious invention, and that 
it was only sure that the fight had gone on during the 
day with varying fortunes. The effect of the news, 
however, was to work the public mind up to a terri- 
ble pitch of excitement; and the most widely-circu- 
lated daily paper in the city of New York, having been 
thus far the apologist and the advocate of the secession- 
ists, the indignation of the people was so roused against 
it that an attack upon its office was expected, and would 

* See the " Engineer Journnl of the Bnmhnrdmeni nf Fnrt Sumter," 
by Capt. J. G. Foster. Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., Xow York, 186L 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



doubtless have been made, except for the prompt and vigorous preventive 
measures taken by the chief of police. 

Little of the next day was given wholly to religious duties, for patriotism 
is an element of piety, not of religion ; and the two days' attack upon the 
national flag was the only subject which really occupied men's minds — the 
only topic of their conversation. To satisfy the anxiety of the public, the 
principal newspapers, the publication of which, with one exception, was in- 
termitted, of course, on Sunday, issued a number on this morning; and thus 
commenced a custom which was continued far into the period of the ensuing 
war. The dispatches of the previous day proved to be substantially true, and 
the people found themselves forced to bear the national humiliation with 
such resignation as they could summon. Here and there a voice was heard 
denouncing Major Anderson, or at least questioning his patriotism or his de- 
termination. But these were the views only of the most headstrong and least 
considerate folk ; the mass of the people felt that he had a right to their en- 
tire confidence. At this very time he was evacuating the fort upon terms, 
and in a manner, creditable alike to himself and to his opponents in the re- 
cent contest. Having packed up all company and personal property, and 
made preparations for saluting his flag, Major Anderson was waited upon 
by several officers of General Beauregard's stafT, Commander Hartstein, for- 
merly of the United States Navy, but who had preferred his state to his 
country, and Captain Gillis, commander of the Pocahontas. The steamer 
Isabel, which the confederate authorities had provided as a transport to the 
vessels outside the Bar, lay at the wharf behind the gorge. The old battle- 
torn flag, which had been displayed four months before, amid prayers appa- 
rently unheard and hopes doomed to bitter disappointment, was raised to re- 
ceive the honors which showed that it had fallen without disgrace. Fifty 
guns were fired, and it was lowered before solemn faces and tearful eyes. 
But, it would seem, the outraged genius of the republic demanded that some 
sacrifice of blood, even innocent, should atone for this humiliation, and at 
the seventeenth gun an accidental explosion of fixed ammunition instantly 
killed one of the artillerists, and severely wounded several others, one of 
them mortally. This casualty proved more fatal than the two days' bom- 
bardment to either party ; for, in spite of reports long circulated to the con- 
trary in regard to the insurgent force, there is no reasonable room for doubt- 
ing the assertion that neither side lost a single man, while the wounds re- 
ceived were few and trifling. The salute finished, the victim to the honor 
of his country's flag, Private David Hough, was buried with military honors 
in the parade of the fort where he had done so gallantly a soldier's duty; 
and the garrison, in full uniform, were formed in line, and marched out to 
the air of "Yankee Doodle." The confederate officers present vied with 
each other in demonstrations of courtes}' to their vanquished foes. The flag 
of Fort Sumter, which Major Anderson took away with him, was raised on 
board the Isabel as she put off, so that he and his command were under no 
flag but that of their government from the beginning to the end of the mem- 
orable series of events in which they bore so prominent a part. 

Of the insurgent force in this affair little has been, and little need be said. 
They were in overwhelming numbers, and the fire of the fort — restricted as 
Major Anderson proved to be to bis guns of smallest calibre — was so inef- 
fective that their performance was little more than artillery practice. Their 
numbers, and their guns, and the work they did, have been thus precisely 
stated in an elaborate article written upon the best authority. 8 They had 
fourteen batteries in action, mounting forty-two heavy guns and mortars. 
From these there were thrown, durin ri the two days, two thousand three 

• PuWisluid in Ihc Cliark'Siun Mercury ul* JLiv 2<1 and 3d,]8«1. 



hundred and sixty shot and nine hundred and eighty shells. The number 
of men engaged in the confederate works was certainly over three thou- 
sand, and between four and five thousand were held in reserve. Of the of- 
ficers who distinguished themselves — with such distinction as was possible 
where the officers on one side were three times as many as the men on the 
other, and no one was hurt — Genera! Beauregard's report mentions Lieuten- 
ant Colonel E.S.Ripley, commanding the batteries on Sullivan's Island; 
Lieutenant Colonel W. G. De Saussure, commanding those on Morris's Isl- 
and; Major P.F.Stevens, in command of the iron-clad battery at Cum- 
mings's Point; Captain Thomas, who commanded the British rifled cannon 
at this point; and Majors Whiting and Gwin, and Captain Hartstein. Col- 
onel Wigfall comes in for a share of commendation ; and let us not forget 
that, with all his fluster and flurry, and the absurdity of his false position in 
regard to the capitulation, his motive was a good one, and he showed real 
fortitude in passing from the shore teethe fort in an open boat during n 
heavy fire of shot and shell. Captain Hartstein, having but to superintend 
the patrolling of the harbor and carrying of messages in tug-boats, gained 
more distinction by bis courtesy and fraternal kindness after the surrender 
than by the duties which be had performed before. 

It was not to be expected that the official representative of the vaunting 
and insolent politicians and planters of South Carolina would emulate the 
honorable consideration shown by Captain Hartstein and the officers who 
accompanied him to those who bad so gallantly defended the flag of the re- 
public — the flag which, not long before, they had all been sworn to uphold 
at peril of their lives. Governor Pickens, in a speech which he made to the 
people of Charleston on the evening of the evacuation, exposed without re- 
serve the spiteful, domineering, braggart spirit in which he, and those of his 
constituents who had really any voice in the direction of affairs, had gone 
into their rebellion. Alluding to the vast majority of their fellow-citizens, 
whom they had been told they would find arrayed on the side of the Con- 
stitution and the laws, he said: "We have defeated their twenty millions, 
and we have made the proud flag of the stars and stripes, that never was 
lowered before to any nation on this earth, we have lowered it in humility 
before the palmetto and the confederate flags." The humiliation of the 
national flag, though under circumstances which could bring no honor of 
any kind to its assailants, was too pleasant a theme to be passed over with 
one exulting outburst; and thus again the rebellious demagogue rolled the 
sweet morsel under his tongue: " We have humbled the flag of the United 
States. I can here say to you, it is the first time in the history of this coun- 
try that the stars and stripes have been humbled. It has triumphed for 
seventy years ; but to-day, on the thirteenth day of April, it has been hum- 
bled, and humbled before the glorious little state of South Carolina." On the 
same occasion, and in the same bombastic strain, he spoke of the independ- 
ence of his constituents as already achieved, and as having been "baptized 
in blood." Now the twenty millions defeated by the insurgent forces (num- 
bering seven thousand, and having in action forty-two heavy guns and mor 
tars) were one hundred and nine half-famished men, including musicians, 
laborers, and the surgeon; and the blood in which the Charlestonian inde- 
pendence was baptized was that of four men, slightly wounded. Governoi 
Pickens's speech was received with vociferous applause ; and so was one of 
more significance, made in Montgomery, the confederate capital, the day be- 
fore, by Mr. Pope Walker, the insurgent Secretary of War : " No man," he 
said, "can tell where the war tins day commenced will end; but I will 
prophesy that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here will float over 
the dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the first of May. Let 




1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



67 



them try Southern chivalry and test the extent of Southern resources, and 
it may float eventually over Fancuil Hall itself." 

It was upon a people thus miserably mistaking their countrymen and 
themselves, thus blind with fury, thus bloated with insolence and besotted 
with pride, thus bent upon the humiliation and final destruction of the re- 
public in which at last they had ceased to rule, that the heroes of Fort Sum- 
ter, defeated but not dishonored, turned their backs, on Sunday, the 14th of 
April, 1861, and sailed northward, under the very flag which they had so 
nobly defended, (o tell in simple, modest words the story of their struggle. 9 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



Effect of the Bombardment of fort Samter. — War Proclamation of President Lincoln. — Hespnrt'c 
of the Fret Stales ; of ihc Governors of the Border Slave States. — Measures of the Rebel Gov- 
ernment. — Seizure of tlic Navy Yard and Forts Barrancas and M'llca at Fcnsaeola. — Occupu- 
tion of Fort Pickens by Lieutenant Slemmcr. — Insolent Propositions for Truce, and degrading 
Compliance. — Rt -enforcement of Fort Pickens. — Washington in danger. — The Convention of 
Virginia secretly pusses a Provisional Ordinance of Secession, and an Ordinance uniting the 
State to tbe insurgent Confederacy. — Destruction of the Arsenal and Armory at Harper's Ferry, 
and its Occupation by the Insurgents.— Incomplete Destruction of the Portsmouth Navy Yard, 
and its Seizure. — Massachusetts leads the Van. — Reasons for her Promptness. — Attack upon a 
Massachusetts and a Pennsylvania Regiment in Baltimore — March of lite New York Seventh. 
— Communication between Washington and the North cut off. — Union Meetings. — The Flag, 
— Badges. — Show your Colors. — Gifts nnd Appropriations for the War. — A Blockade. — Rebel 
Privateers.— Neutral Treason.— Condition of Washington Society.— Spies.— Seizure of Tele- 
graphic Dispatches. — Habeas Corpus practically suspended. — Commotion in Missouri. — Ken- 
tucky for the Union. — New Proclamation calling lor 48,000 Men for three Years. — Military 
Preparations at the South. — Seat of the Rebel Government transferred to Richmond. — Nature 
nnd Purposes of the impending Conflict. 

THE depression which followed the bombardment of Fort Sumter was but 
momentary. It did not last a single day. The rebound was instanta- 
neous and tremendous. In spite of four months' warning, the event actually 
came with all the suddenness of surprise. In fact, it was absolutely necessary 
to the arousing of the loyal men of the republic from a state of mingled con- 
fidence and bewilderment, which had almost the seeming, and all the effect, 
of stupor. A keen and practiced observer, who bad visited many parts of 
the world and many scenes of strife in the service of the most influential 
journal of Europe, and who had been sent to the United States to observe 
and report the course of events during the civil troubles, after remaining in 
New York two weeks, wrote, on the 20th of March, that to his eyes that city 
was "full of divine calm and human phlegm;" that the commercial queen 
of the West, in his opinion," would do any thing rather than fight, her desire 
is to eat her bread and honey and count her dollars in peace." To him, 
judging from what he heard as well as what he saw, the disruption of the 
republic was then already accomplished ; for, on the one side, a representa- 
tive secessionist said to him, "No concession, no compromise; nothing that 
can be done or suggested shall induce us to join any confederation of which 
the New England states are members;" and, on the other, an equally emi- 
nent Republican, of the extreme school, declared to him on the same day, 
"If I could bring back the Southern states by holding up my little finder, 
I should think it criminal to do bo." 10 The swift agency of steam could not 
take the letter containing these statements to London, print it, and send it 
back again, before the conclusion based upon them was entirely falsified. 
The secessionist doubtless stood firm in his rebellious determination; but 
the Abolitionist had found that, whatever might be his feeling upon the sub- 
ject, the people of the free states did not regard the question of negro slavery 
in any of its bearings as worthy to be weighed one moment in the scale with 
that of the maintenance of constitutional government and the perpetuity of 
the republic; and the divine calm of the city that would do any thing rath- 
er than fight had been swept away by an intensely human excitement which 
strangely united all the heat of fury to all the coolness of resolution. In all 
this there was no sudden gyration of opinion or change of feeling. The na- 
tional sentiment of loyal men was not touched to the quick until the bom- 
bardment of Fort Sumter. The secessionists might have held conventions 



* Major Anderson's Dispatch concerning the Bombardment and Evacuation of Fort Samter. 
_ __ „ ,„ Steam-shiHil.-i]tlc,ofrSandy"Hook, April IS, 180). 

Hon.5. Cumroii,8eerDtarT.ofW*r,WinMogt«] 1 O.G: 

Sib,— Having defended Fori Sumter fur thirty-fonr hours, until the quarters were entirely 
burned, tho main gate- destroy i^l by lire, tbe g..rge wall serion.lv inured, the magazine surround- 
ed by flames, ami its door closed from ihc .Heels of the heat, four barrels nnd three cartridges of 
powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacua- 
tion, offered hy tieiiernl Hc.iiireguid. lining the same offered by him on the llth instant, prior to 
the commencement of Inutilities, and mar. bed out of the fort Sunday afternoon, the Uth instant, 
with colors (lying nnd drums beating, bringing aii-oy company nnd private property, and Minting 
my flag with fifty eons. Robeiit Ahdebmn, Major First Artillery. 

■* Correspondence of the London Times, April 17th, 1861. 

ProcLiniation of President Lincoln. 

Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past nnd now are opposed, nnd 
the execution thereof obstructed, in the states of South Carolina, lic-.rgia, Alabama. Florida. Mis- 
sissippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to bo suppressed hy tho ordinary 
course of judi. i.d proceedings ,.r by tin- powers vested In tbe marshals bv law: now, therefore, I, 
AiiKiiUM J.iseoi.s. President of tbe United Stales, in virtue of the power in me vested bv tho 
Constitution and the laws, have thought fu to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of 
the several states of the Union to the ag K regne number of To.ihhi, in order to suppress said com- 
binations and to cause the laws 10 be duly executed. The detail- Rw tin-; object will be immedi- 
ately communicated to the state authorities through the War Department. J appeal to all loynl 
ciueens to favor, facilitate, and aid this. effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, an j existence 
of our national Union, und the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress" wrongs already 
long eie- ,,,-h endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service aligned to the forces hereby 
called forth Will probably be to -repossess the forts, places, and property which have been soiled 
from the Union ; mid in every event the utmost cure will be observed, consistently with the objects 
aforesaid, to ,-.,■. ...d any deviation, any destruction of, or interference with property, or nny dis- 
turbance of peaceful citizens of any part „f the country ; and I hereby command the'persons com- 
posing the combinations nforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abode- u ithin 
twenty days from this date. 

Deeming that tho present condition of pubbc affairs presents un extraor dinar y occasion, I do 



and passed resolutions until the crack of doom, nnd it would have been re- 
garded as of but little moment. Southern conventions had become a laugh- 
ing-stock at the North on account of their wordy folly. They had been held 
for various ostensible objects, but chieBy for that of turning, by preamble 
and resolutions, the tide of commerce from New York, Boston, and Philadel- 
phia to Norfolk and Charleston. In this they had not been successful; and 
the discredit which, attached to them affected greatly all tbe preliminary 
steps taken in the more dangerous designs to which they were in part a 
cloak. In fact, much as the country had been disturbed by the outbreak at 
the South upon the election of Mr. Lincoln, it seemed but a continuation or 
expected consequence of the preceding presidential canvass. It was no new 
thing. It did not have a beginning ; it was merely a going on. It seemed, 
nay, it was, the last move in the stupendous game of intimidation and brag- 
gadocio which had been played for twenty years and more. Much the same 
turmoil had been heard before, when the slavery propaganda had only fear- 
ed defeat. What was to be expected upon its actual discomfiture? These 
men had talked so much about secession if a Republican were elected, that, 
unless they were willing to be looked upon as tbe merest braggarts, they 
must do something to back their words. Their conventions and their ordi- 
nances were mere brute thunder, harmful in effect upon the country, but 
harmless against its government. Their refusal to pay their Northern debts 
was regarded as far more injurious, and more indicative of hostile determ- 
ination. 

Thus thought and felt too many men throughout the country through the 
gloomy winter of 1860 and 1SG1 ; for even the seizure of forts and arms, 
and tbe very establishment of the insurgent government, were looked upon 
rather as extreme measures of intimidation than as the first steps of a des- 
perate rebellion. The firing upon the Star of the West, strange to say, did 
not quite open the eyes of all of those who should have seen that it meant 
absolute defiance. But when, upon the announcement that Fort Sumter was 
to be provisioned, the insurgents bombarded the garrison out of it, then, 
with a sudden shock, the loyal citizens of the republic felt what secession 
really was. Indignation flashed through the astonished land. The whole 
country quivered with a new emotion. Men lived in the open air, that they 
might read in each other's faces, eye to eye, the noble wrath, the fixed de- 
termination, the lofty purpose that ruled the hour. Two could hardly speak 
together in the street above their ordinary tone without being surrounded 
with eager listeners. Every public place was thronged with unbidden 
crowds, intent upon discourse of the momentous situation. A nation of free- 
men, each of whom felt, at last, his own responsibility for his country's safe- 
ty and honor, was pierced through brain and heart with the barbed convic- 
tion that that safety was in peril and that honor at stake. The strong bar- 
riers of party vanished as by magic, and men became so intensely absorbed 
in tbe present that, forgetful of the past, they saw each other for the first 
time only as fellow-citizens, with one feeling and one purpose. It was a mo- 
ment of supreme grandeur in the life of the nation. Patriotism, which bad 
been trodden under foot of politicians, which had withered in the arid soil 
of selfishness under the blazing sun of prosperity, which had been choked 
with the thorns of care, and wealth, and pleasure, struck at once its roots to 
the very centre of the nation's being, and in a single night blossomed into 
fruitful ness. That fruit was a stern resolve to sacrifice life and fortune in 
defense of the republic. 

It was to a people who bad passed through this mental experience that 
President Lincoln addressed a proclamation dated upon the day of the evac- 
uation of Fort Sumter. 1 That was Sunday; and on Monday morning the 
President's appeal, distributed by telegraph, was read throughout the coun- 
try. It was remarkably cool and dispassionate. It set forth that the laws of 
the United States had been for some time defied in the seven seceded states 
by combinations too powerful to be dealt with by the omeers of the law ; it 
called out 75,000 of the militia of the several slates for the purpose of sup- 
pressing those combinations, and first, if not chiefly, of repossessing the forts 
which had been seized ; it especially, and with great care in the use of words, 
disavowed any intention of "devastation, destruction, or interference with 
property in any part of the country." It commanded the insurgents to dis- 



hcrcby, in virtue oCthc power in mc vested by the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. 
The senators nnd representatives are. therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective cham- 
bers ut 12 o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next, then nnd there to consider nnd 
determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may K-cm to demand. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, end caused the seal of the United States to 
he affixed. 

Done nt the City o( Washington, this loth day of April, in tbe year of oar Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. 

By the President. 
William II. Seward, Secretary of State. 

Tho following call on the respective state governors for troops was simultaneously issued through 
the War Department : 

Sib, — Under the act of Congress for calling out the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to 
suppress insurrection, to repel invasion, etc., approved February 28, 1 705, I have the honor to re- 
quest your excellency to cause to he immediately derailed from the militia of your state the quom 
designated in the table below, to serve as infantry or riflemen for n period of three months, unless 
sooner discharged. Your excellency will please communicate to me the time at about which your 
quota will be cxjiected at its rrndczvutis, ns it will be met as soon as practicable by an officer or offi- 
cers to muster it into service nnd pay of the United States. At the same time the oath of fidelity 
to the United States will He administered to every officer ond mnn. The mustering officers will 
be instructed to receive no mnn under the rank of commissioned officer who is in year* op|-nrcmly 
over 4S or under 18, or who is nut in physical strength and vigor. The quom for each state is as 
follows : 

IVonnlcoali lOIMiuoori 4 

Delaware 



MuMcha* 

RjrO.it ItlB 



V I O-l 



Imiot* B.JttrMgan... 



ucky 4 Mlnocrwlo. 

Jmey 4 Aiksoui 1 Wbcooflo. 

It is ordered that each regiment shall consist, on an aggregate of officer* and n 
total thus to be culled out is 73,391. The remainder to constitute the 7fi,000 me 
idt w.'s proclamation will be composed of troops in the District of Columbia. 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861, 



perse within twenty days, and summoned a special session of Congress on 
the 4th of July. The command was a matteT of form, prescribed by act of 
Congress; the summons, a matter of necessity. On that Monday morning, 
too, the flag of the republic — how dear to those who were true to it, they 
never knew till then — was raised by spontaneous impulse upon every staff 
which stood on loyal ground ; and from the Lakes to the Potomac, from the 
shores of the Atlantic to the banks of the Mississippi, the eye could hardly 
turn without meeting the bright banner which symbolized in its stripes the 
union and the initial struggle, and in its stars the consequent growth and 
glory of the nation and the government which the insurgents had banded 
themselves together to destroy. 2 

The response of the free states to the proclamation was so unanimous and 
so instantaneous that it seemed to be by acclamation. The official responses 
of the several governors became almost matters of course and of form. They 
were dignified, calm, and resolute messages. The people in Delaware were 
equally prompt and hearty in their devotion to the republic ; and over the 
vast extent of country lying north of the Potomac and the Ohio, its intelli- 
gent millions, throughout all grades of the social scale, were at once busied 
in preparing for the coming war, or, at least, in cheering those who were 
thus engaged. President Lincoln doubtless asked for 75,000 men with some 
fear and trembling; for, since the nation came into political existence, it 
bad never had half that number of men under arms together. But before 
a day had passed it was manifest that more than twice as many were ready 
at his call. The proclamation, however, was not addressed to the free states 
only ; and all those who were not under the control of the insurgent gov- 
ernment (except California, Oregon, and Kansas, on account of their remote- 
ness) were called upon to furnish their several quotas. From the governors 
of all the slave states except Delaware and Maryland there came a flat, and, 
in some cases, a defiant and an insolent refusal. Governor Letcher, of Vir- 
ginia, was content with being decided. Governors Ellis, of North Carolina, 
and Magoffin, of Kentucky, added to their refusal a denunciation of the 
course of the government as " wicked." Governor Rector, of Arkansas, stig- 
matized the demand as "adding insult to injury," and talked of defense 
against "Northern mendacity and usurpation." Governor Harris, of Ten- 
nessee, said he had not a man for coercion, but fifty thousand for the de- 
fense of the rights of his Southern, ?'. e., his slaveholding brothers ; while 
Governor Jackson, of Missouri, poured out his wrath in the words "ille- 
gal, unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical." 3 The governors 



• The feeling of (ho time when this spontaneous display i.f [he Btate nnd fitripes lit up the face 
of nil the North, found a truthful nnd spirited expression in this fine lyric, which appeared in the 
Boston Transcript: 

TOE FLAG. Ci UoRiTTO WoodmaH. 
Why flashed that flag on Monday morn 

Across the startled sky ? 
Why leaped the blood to every check. 

The tears to every eye? 
The hero in our four months' woe, 

The symbol of onr might, 
Together sunk for one brief hour, 

To rise forever bright. 
The mind of Cromwell claimed his own, 

The blood of Nascby streamed 
Through hearts unconscious of the fire. 

Till that torn banner gleamed. 
The seeds of Milton's lofty thoughts, 

All hopeless of the spring, 
Broke forth in joy, as through thom glowed 

The life great poets sing. 
Old Greece was young, and Homer true, 

And Dante's burning page 
Flamed in the red along our flag, 

And kindled holy rage. 
God's Gospel cheered the sacred cause 

In stern, prophetic strain, 
Which makes His rite our covenant. 

His Psalms our deep refrain. 
Oh, sad for him whose light went out 

Before this glory came. 
Who could not live to feel his kin 

To every noble name I 
And sadder still to miss the joy 

That twenty millions know 
In Human Nature's holiday 

From all that makes life low. 

* BEPLIE8 FBOM THE DISLOYAL GOVERNORS TO THE REdtTTfirTIOK FOR IHOOPfl CSDER THE 

president's proclamation. 
from Governor Letcher, of Virginia. 
"I have only to say, that the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Wash- 
ington for any such uso or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the South- 
em states, and a requisition made npon me for such an object— an object, in my judgment, not 
vithin the purview of the Constitution or the act of 173G — will not be complied with. You have 
r, and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as 



From Governor KUis, of North Carolina. 

" Your dispatch is received ; and, if genuine, which its extraordinary character leads me to 

doubt, I have to say in reply, thai I regard the levy of troops made by the administration for the 

purpose of subjugating the states of the South as in'violation of the Constitution, and a usurpation 

of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws or the country, and to this war 

opon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina." 

From Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky. 

"Your dispatch is received. I say emphatically that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the 

wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern states." 

From Govtmor Barrii, of Tennessee. 

but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the 

From Governor Rector, of Arkansas. 

" In answer to your requisition for troops from Arkansas, to subjugate the Southern states, I 
have to say that none will be furnished. The demand is only adding insult to injury. The peo- 
ple of this commonwealth are freemen, not slaves, and will defend to the last extremity [heir hon- 
or, lives, and property against Northern mendacity nnd usurpation." 
From Governor Jadcson, of Missouri. 

jIT* 1 " 6 CM *** * a PP renend > no doUDt that those men arc intended to make war upon the se- 
ceded states. Yoar requisition, in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional, nnd revolutionary in 
its objects, inhuman and diabolical, and can not be complied with. Not one mon will the Stole 
of Missouri furnish to carry on euch an unholy crusade." 



of Delaware and Maryland (Burton and Hicks) answered with bated breath, 
in the form of proclamation. The former announced that he found himself 
without power to comply with the requisition from the Secretary of War, 
but he recommended the raising of a regiment, which he announced would 
be at liberty to offer its services to the general government. The regiment 
was immediately raised and mustered into service; and before the year was 
out, this small state had furnished two thousand more men to the armies of 
the Union. Governor Hicks's proclamation was little else than a public 
wringing of the hands and bemoaning himself over the perplexities of his 
situation, which indeed were great and trying; for, although Maryland was 
loyal by a large majority, the disloyal men were actually numerous, and 
made up by their activity and defiant bearing for their inferiority of num- 
bers. Among them, too, were the greater part of the wealthy slaveholders 
in the state, and the people of high social position. Governor Hicks en- 
deavored to placate his constituents by assuring them that no troops should 
be sent from Maryland unless for the protection of the national capital, and 
reminding them that a special election would soon give them an opportunity 
of expressing their devotion to the Union, or their desire to see it broken up. 4 

The first step of the confederate government to incut this condition of af 
fairs beyond their borders was to issue a call for 32,000 more troops. The 
governors of the seceded states thereupon issued flaming proclamations, de- 
nouncing, exhorting, commanding, and recommending ; and in one instance, 
that of Governor Brown, of Georgia, the command took the needless, but, 
therefore, none the less dishonorable form of an interdiction of payment of 
any debt due to a resident of an anti-slavery state, while the recommenda- 
tion shrewdly suggested that these confiscated funds should be paid into the 
treasury of Georgia. 

These were preparations for future movements. But already tbe govern- 
ment of the United States had brought an important military operation to 
the verge of a successful issue. This was tbe re-enforcement of Fort Pick- 
ens — much the strongest fortification at the very important post of Pensacola 
Harbor in Florida, which it in a great measure commanded. At this post 
was a navy yard, which was used as a naval station for Gulf cruisers, and 
which was therefore rich in ammunition and supplies. The bay or harbor 
was defended first by Fort Pickens, a large and formidable stone casemated 
work, which stands on the point of Santa Rosa Island, a long and narrow 
strip of sand which almost closes tbe bay, and between which and the oppo- 
site shore there is a distance of but a mile and a half. Directly opposite 
Fort Pickens is a water-battery known as Fort M'Rea ; and about two miles 
farther along the shore, and within less than the same distance of Fort Pick- 
ens, is a larger work than the former, which is called the Barrancas, or Fort 
San Carlos. The greedy eyes of tbe insurgents were early turned upon 
these important strong-holds and store-houses ; and on the 12th of January 
a band of about five hundred men, led by Captain V. M. Randolph, of the 
United States Navy, and, it is said, by one Colonel Lomax, whose commis- 
sion was in the Florida militia, appeared at the gates of the navy yard, and 
demanded its surrender to tbe State of Florida, which had that day passed 
its Ordinance of Secession. It was on this day that the Star of the West re- 
turned to New York, with the marks of two rebel cannon upon her hull 
after her miserable attempt to re-enforce Fort Sumter. The scene at Pensa- 
cola Navy Yard was more shameful, and incomparably more calamitous. 
There was no attempt at decency on the part of Lieutenants E. Farrand and 
F. B. Renshaw, who were there in authority ; and in their presence, and, it 
is asserted, by the command of the latter, the 2*tg of the republic was haul- 
ed down amid the jeers of a drunken rabble, and the yard, with all its guns, 
stores, and ammunition, passed at a word into the bands of the insurgents. 5 
On the same day, Commander Armstrong, of the Navy, caused the Barran- 
cas to be abandoned; but he had the grace to spike the guns, and remove 
some, at least, of the munitions. Farrand and Renshaw were treacherously 
False to their colore ; but Armstrong's plea was inability to cope with the 
forces which could be brought against him. At little Fort M'Rea, however, 
was a man of another mould. Lieutenant Adam J. Slemmer, a young offi- 
cer of artillery, distinguished thus far only by his proficiency in the scien- 
tific branches of his profession, was stationed there ; and he determined at 
once to do all that a brave and able soldier could to save the key to the po- 
sition. The garrison under his command at Fort M'Rea was very small, 
but he did not despair. Hastily gathering from the Barrancas and the navy 



* Proclamation of Governor Ekks, of Maryland. 

To the People of Maryland.- 

The unfortunate state of affairs now existing in the country has greatly excited the people of 
Maryland. 

In consequence of our peculiar position, it is not lo be expected that the people of the state can 
unanimously agree upon the best mode of preserving the honor and integrity of the state, and of 
maintaining within her limits that pence so earnestly desired by all good citizens. 

The emergenev is great. The consequences of a rash step will be fearful. It is the imperative 
duty of everv true son of Maryland to do all that can tend to arrest the threatened evil. I there- 
fore counsel" the people, in all earnestness, to withhold their hands from whatever mny tend to pre- 
cipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to receive us. 

I counsel the people to abstain from all heated controversy upon the subject ; to avoid all tilings 
that tend to crimination nnd recrimination, in order that the origin of our evil day may be for- 
gotten now by every patriot in tbe earnest desire to avert from us its fruit. 

All powers' vested in the governor of the state will be strenuously exerted to preserve the peace 
and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity of Maryland. 

I call upon the people to obey the laws, and (o aid the constituted authorities in their endeavors 
to preserve the fair fame of onr state untarnished. 

I assure the people that no troops will be sent from Maryland, unless it may bo for the defense 
of the national capital. 

It is my intention in the future, as it has been my endeavor in the past, to preserve the people 
of Maryland from civil war ; and I invoke the assistance of every true and loyal citiien to aid me 
in this emergency. 

The people of this state will, in a short time, have the opportunity afforded them, in n special 
election of members of Congress of the United States, to express their devotion to the Union, or 
their desire to have it broken up. T. H. HiCKB 

Baltimore, April 18, 1SG1. 

' Report of a Select Committee to Congress, Feb. 21, 1861. 



1901.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH! 



69 




yard a few troops who had proved faithful among the faithless, and joining 
to these some marines from the war steamer Wyandotte, then at that sta- 
tion, he threw himself with his little force, numbering in all but about 
eighty men, into Fort Pickens, where he hoped, and it proved not without 
reason, that he could hold out until re-enforcements should arrive. He se- 
cured himself against immediate attack from Fort M'Rea by destroying all 
the ammunition not locked up in the magazine, and by spiking the guns 
and ramming the tompions so firmly into the muzzles that they had to be 
bored out. All the other works were unimportant compared to Fort Pick- 
ens, which commanded every gun upon them ; and although the insurgents 
addressed themselves vigorously to the task of strengthening the old forts, 
Lieutenant Slemmer, by his bold and spirited move (in which he was ably- 
supported by Lieutenant Gilman), had foiled their main purpose utterly. 



The news of these transactions flew quickly to "Washington, for as yet 
there was no attempt at secrecy of movement, and steps were taken which 
resulted in a strategic defeat for the rebels. Their attention and the inter- 
est of the whole country was mainly concentrated upon Fort Sumter. As 
a strategical point, this fort was absolutely worthless, owing to the unimport- 
ance of the city which it defended, cither as a commercial port, a centre of 
population, or a base of operations. The honor of the flag and humanity to 
the garrison were the chief, if not the only questions to be considered in re- 
gard to the situation at Charleston Harbor. But Fort Pickens was one of 
the keys of the Gulf of Mexico, and Washington was the capital of the re- 
public. While, therefore, the flag of the Union was flying defiantly from 
Fort Sumter, the concentration round it of all the available force of the con- 
federated insurgents was enabling the government to secure more easily the 




TUB mm 07 FE5EAOOLA, IXOIimi, SUO'ISU IUI liJCTS, MVI tAXB, CTli 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 








1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



71 




immediate safety of the two most important points. On the 24th of Janu- 
ary the war steamer Brooklyn was dispatched from Fortress Monroe with 
provisions, military stores, and a company of regular artillery under the 
command of Captain Vodges. The frigate Macedonian, and one or two 
other smaller vessels, were ordered to rendezvous at Santa Rosa Island ; 
and these, upon an emergency, could have spared some hundreds of men 
for the defense of the fort. It was feared that this aid would not reach 
Lieutenant Slemmcr in time; but, pending this movement, on the 28th of 
January a telegraphic dispatch was received at Washington from ex-Sen- 
ator Mallory, of Florida, not addressed to President Buchanan, but intended 
for his eye, expressing the usual formal desire for peace, and proffering as- 
surances that no attack would be made upon the fort if the status quo was 
not disturbed. The proposition was sufficiently insolent ; but it suited the 
expectant, temporizing policy of President Buchanan to accept it, in order 
that the Peace Convention, then, as we have seen, in session, might carry 
on, without interruption, deliberations of which it was supposed that nothing 



' Extract from Instructions addressed to the Commanders of the Macedonian, Brocktt/n, and other 
Naval Officers in command, anil to I.Uuhnnnt Sb.mmcr, commanding at Fort Pickens, Florida. 

"In consequence of the assurance* received from Mr. Mel tun*, in a telegram of yesterday lo 

Messrs. Slidell, Hunter, and Uigler, with ;i rcrpicst it should be I. nil before the President, that Fort 
Pickens wottld not be assaulted, and mi oiler of such an assurance lo the same effect from Colonel 
Chase, for the fiur|>.i-i- of avoiding u hostile collision, upon receiving satisfactory assurances from 
Mr. Mnllovy and Colonel Chase that Fori Pit-kens will no! be attacked, you are instructed not to 
laud the company on board ilic Birmk/i/n unless said fort shall be: attacked, or pre pa nil ions shall 
ho made for its attack. The provisions necessary for the supply of the fort you will land. The 
Brooklyn and the other vessels of war on the station ivill remain, and yon wilt exercise the utmost 
vigilance, and be prepared at a moment's warning to land tin? company at Fort Picket)?, and you 
and they will instantly repel any attack on the fort. The President yesterday sent a special mes- 
sage to Congrt-s commending the Virginia resolutions of compromise. The commissioners of dif- 
ferent states are to meet here on Monday, the 4tli of February, and it is important thui during their 
session a collision of arms should bo avoided, unless an attack should lie made, or there should be 
preparations made for such an attack. In either event, the Brooklyn and the other vessels will net 
promptly, 

"Your right, and thai of the other officers in command at Pensacola, freely to communicate with 
tlio government by s|-ccinl messenger, and its riirht, in the same maimer, to communicate with your- 
self and them, will reuiuiQ intact as the basis on which the present instruction is given." 

Letter from General Scott. 
The following letter from Licntcnani General Scott was published in the Washington National 
Intelligencer of October 21, 18G2: 

October 30, isiiil, 1 emphatically called the attention of the President to the necessity of strong 



' icrcial cities of the Southern stutes. in. hiding, 

r 31, 1 suggested to the Secretary of War thn 



if York, I ct 



s as had garrisons, 1 



n the alert against 
) December 



lithe l'r. 



garrisons in all the forts Mi 
by name, the forts in 
circular should be Be 
surprises and sudden 

After a long con fin 
12. Nest day I personally urged upon the Secretary of War the same vj 
suns in Southern l"..rt — tli..sc of Chaik-stou Mini Pensacola Harbor al mi ■ 
and the Mississippi, below New Orleans, next, etc., etc. I again pointed i 
panics nnd the recruits at the principal depots available fr.r the purpose, 
concur in any of my views, when 1 begged him to procure for me an early ; 
ident, that I might make one effort more to save the forts and the Union. 

By appointment, tho Secretary accompanied me to the President December IS, when the same 
topics, seccssionism, etc., were again pretty fully discussed. There being at the moment (in tho 
opinio)) of the President) no danger of nn curly secession beyond South Carolina, the President, 
in reply to my arguments for immediately re-enforcing Fort Moultrie, and sending a garrison to 
Fort Sumter, said: 

"The lime has not arrived for doing so; that he should wait the action of the Convention of 
South Carolina, in the expeotation that a commission would be appointed and sent to negotiate 
with him and Congress respecting the secession of the state and the property of the United States 
held within its limits; aad that if Congress should deei'le against the secession, then he would 
send a re-enforcement, nod telegraph the commanding officer (Major Anderson) of Fort Moultrie 
to hold the forts (Moultrie and Sumter) against attack." 

And the Secretory, with animation, added: 

"We have a vessel of war (the Brooklyn) held in readiness at Norfolk, nnd he would then send 
three hundred men in her from Fort Monroe to Charleston." 

To which I replied, first, that so many men could not b; withdrawn from that garrison, hot 
could be taken from New York. Next, that it would then be too late, as tho South Carolina 
commissioners would huve the game in their own hands by first using and then catting the wires ; 
that as there was not a, soldier in Fort Sumter, any handful of armed secessionists might seize 
and occupy it, etc., etc. 

Ucre the remark may be permitted, that if the Secretary's three hundred men had then, or 
some time later, been pent to Forts Moultrie ffnd Sumter, Loth would now hare been in the pos- 
session of the United States, and not n battery below them could hove been erected hy the seces- 
sionists ; consequently, the access to these torts from the sen would now (the end of March) be 
unobstructed aud free. 

The same day, December 15. I wrote the following note: 

"Lieutenant General Scott begs the President to pardon him for supplying in this note what 
ho omitted to say this morning: at the interview with which he was honored bv the President. 

"Long prior to the Force Bill (March -', 1888), prior to tho issue of bis proclamation, nnd in 
part prior to the passage of tho Ordinance of Nullification, President Jackson, under the net of 



could be hoped if they were disturbed by the clash of an armed collision. 6 
For more than two months this little re-enforcement was kept back by the 
singular course of events which we have heretofore followed at Washington. 
The Brooklyn and her attendant vessels lay wearily off and on the coast at 
the .mouth of Pensacola Harbor. Lieutenant Slemmcr kept up good heart 
and strict discipline; and, on their side, the insurgents undertook to obtain 
possession of the fort by treachery. A letter was srnugglud within the walls 
addressed to a sergeant, offering him two thousand dollars and a commission 
in the rebel army to betray the fort, and to every private who would aid 
him five hundred dollars. The men proved incorruptible, and tho sergeant 
was placed under arrest. This attempt was in itself a treacherous violation 
of the truce (but treachery, personal bad faith, had marked the insurrection 
from the very beginning), and would have justified the commander of the 
Brooklyn in throwing his men into Fort Pickens. But he was relieved of 
the consideration of the question by the immediate receipt of orders from 
Washington to effect tbc landing. 7 This was on the 12th of April ; and it 



Mareh 3, 1807, 'authorizing the employment of the land and naval fn 
nienis to he sent to Fort Moultrie, and a sloop of war (the Notches), wit' 
to Charleston Harbor, in order, 1, to prevent the seizure of thn 



nnd, 'J, to enforce the 
the day after the possng 
were then en route for t! 
" President Jackson f 
purposes lie was not ma! 
it would be South Carol 
icrnl Scott, who 



of the (ltd 



e laws. General Scott himMI 
e of Nullification, and many of the 



y said at the time, ' that by the assemblage of ihosc forces for lawful 
r upon Booth Carolina ; but that, if Smith Carolina attacked them, 
t made war upon the United States.' 

d his first instructions (oral) from the President, in the temporary 

absence of the Sccretnrv of War (General Cass), reuieiiilicr' those expressions well. 

"Sniurdnv night, Detrinber 16, ]S6<>." 

December 28. Again, after Mnjor Anderson had gallantly and wisely thrown his handful of 

men Inn) FM M. -nitric into Fort Sumter — learning that, on demand of South Curolino, there 

wiL- gr. in .lunger he might bo ordered by the Secretary back to the less tenable work, or out of tho 

" Lienieii.uii General Scott (who has had n bad night, and can scarcely hold up his head this 
morning) begs to express the hope to the Secretary of War — 1. That orders may not be given for 
the evacuation of Fort Suintcr. '2. That one hundred and fifty recruits may instnntly be sent 
from Governor's Island lo re-enforec that garrison, will) ample supplies of ammunition and sub- 
sistence, including fresh vegetables, as potatoes, onions, turnips ; nnd, 3. That one or two armed 
vessels be scut to support the said fort. 

'■ Lieutenant General Scott avails himself of this opportunity also lo express the hope that the 
recommendations heretofore made by him to the Secretary of War respecting Forts Jackson, St. 
Philip, Morgan, and Pulaski, and particularly in respect to Forts Pickens and M'lica, and tho 
Pensacola Navv Yard, in connection with the last two named works, may be reconsidered by tho 
Secretary. 

"Lieutenant General Scott will farther ask the attention of the Secretary to Forts Jefferson and 
Taylor, which arc wholly national, being of far greater value even to the most distant points of iho 
Atlantic coast and the jieoplc on tbc upper waters of the Missouri, Mississippi, and Ohio It i vera 
than to the State of Florida. There is only a feeble company at Key West for the defense of 
F.rt Tmlor, and not a soldier in Fort Jefferson In resist a handful of filibusters or 11 row-boat of 
I ir id - . .uid (lie Gulf, soon after the beginning of secession or revolutionary (roubles in the adjo- 

December 30, I addressed tho President again as follows: 
Lieutenant General Scott begs the President of the United States to pardon the irregularity 



of this 
logo 



..bin 



It is Sunday, the weather is bad, and Genera] Scott is not well c 



.ugh 



enforce Fort Sum 



national importance seem to forbid a moment's delay, and, if mis- 
rcident's forgiveness. 

General Scott, without reference to the War Department, and oth- 
D send two hundred and fifty recruits from New York Harbor to re- 
a muskets or rifles, ammunition, and subsistence? 



" It is hoped that a sloop of war and cutter may be ordered for tbc same purpose as early ( 



" General Scott will writ upon the President at any moment he may bo called for." 

The Souih Carolina com miss jouers had already lieen many days in Washington, and no move- 
ment of defense (on the part of the United Slates) was jicrmitlcd. 

Twill here close my noiice of Fort Sumter by quoting from some of my previous reports. 

It iioiild have been easy to re-enforee this fort down to about the 12th of February. In this 
long delay Fort Moultrie hud ken rearmed and greatly strengthened in every way by the rebels. 
Many powerful new land-bnltcrie« (besides a formidable raft) have been constructed. Hoiks, too, 
have been sunk in the prim ipal channel, so as to reader access to Fort Sumter from the sea im- 
practicable without first carrying all the lower batteries of the secessionists. The difficulty of re- 
enforeing has thus been increased ten or twelve fold. First, the lute President refused to allow 
any attempt to'bc made, because he was holding negotiations with the South Carolina commis- 

Aftenvnrd Secretary Holt and myself endeavored in vain to obtain n ship of war for the pur- 
pose, nnd were finally obliged lo employ the passenger steamer Stir of the Weil. That vessel, 
but for the hesitation of the master, might, as is generally believed, have delivered at the fori the 
■ It iu not till Jnnniry 4 that, by the aid of Swmlary Halt (o 'trod? and toys] mm), I obtained penntulon to 

--:,■>. ■■!!.-.-. rctl,. |. i.'k- L-jrri- r, ,.f I ,,-, l.-ivl .t. K.-y V. ■ -l.nri.l ..! (!...■ -.mil; On..-- a ■• i..|.jnv -Mij.ir Amf.l.l>. tr-.m 

Is-^n [ir.sH:ru;il, J to- Hurl .Una*. It U kle.v.n tiiat the r.-l.jl,, hi>l II 
theoaini.ro' ;\ Itie Mcitrain Onlf, as i.il.mlCir nud Malta, pi vera I 
and Taylor, Iho reboli might bare purchased an early Luropcan ra 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



72 

was decided to mate the attempt tbat very night. Early in the evening 
the boats were hoisted out, volunteers selected (tor, volunteers being called 
for the whole ship's crew came forward), the men well armed, and boats also 



[1861. 



men nild subsistence on board This attempt at succor foiling, I next ver^lly submitted to the 
" . , d, ,■-, < i.her that s,„c,r I"-' wni by ships nfwu,, lighting ,|,,,r way by the batteries (mcreas- 
ne hTrt"-"Utt. Jwlv >. «r Hn« Major And.-rsur, should I* left to ameliorate his condition by the 
Z,b ( ,f hi* gun.-that is, cufor.i.ig supplies by bombard,,,,.,, and by banging to merchant . Yes- 
wis, helping I'""- " "' ^ '"*•' •■ T,i * n for I IQ J™ nl >. «r. fi " all J-' be allowed to eviicuato the fort, wb.ch, 
'"nut Wurcnny reo'lulion « taken, Hie late Secretary of the Navy making difficulties about 
the want uf suit-i'bl-' war vo^b another commissioner from Sjuth Carolina arrived, causing fnr- 
r delav Wli-n thi- hud p'a.---cd .iwiiv, Secretaries Holt and Toucey, Captain Ward, of the 

_■.. .i__ i _i_.i „r.i>,. i» r ..ji.i^ni /nnrlinnnn), settled upon the employment, 

four small steamers belonging to 

iitle doubt Captain Ward would 

kept back by something like ft 



Navv nod myself, with the knowledge of the President (Buchunai 

under the captain (who was eager for the expedition) of three or 

tlm Coast Survey. At that time fl.vu- m January j, I hove but li 

have reached Furl Sumter with all bis vessels. Hat he was kept back l,y ^...-thinij like a truce 

or armistice (made here) embracing Clinrle-i-.u and 1 'cnsacoln Harbors, agreed upon between the 

lale President and eerlain pi ineipi.l seccders of South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, etc., and this 

trim- hi-u.-d to lb-- 'iid ..f tluit administration. 

That i-b.ii an- 1 all other*, without a squadron of war ships and a considerable army, competent 
to lake and hold lb- mm,- formidable hati.-rics I, low Fort Sumter, and betore I he exhaustion ni 
it« sal,,M.-i,. c having been pronounced, In.... the change of circumstances, mi practicable by Ma- 
i„r Anders. ,„' Captain Foster (chief engineer), and all th,- other officers ot the fort, as well as by 
itri^iicrlicncralTollc,., Chi-.-f of ibe t^-rps of Ki^ineers; and, concurring in that opinion, I .did 
nor li,,i,ai- .- a-hi- (M .r- h I-', tl. .t M ij«r Awl. rsun lie instructed to evacuate tho fort, so lung 

oillnntlv hrl.l bv him and hi- oim, n«, ilium dint-lv on procuring suitable transportation to 

™ NvC II,. r,-l .tu. ■- .U- - b„d Mc.nlih inerca-cd ill the las. eighteen days. 

It 'va* nut till .lonunrj 3 I «li- n 'ho ""' ■ "mm.-.oii.'rs from South Carolina withdrew) 'hat the 

rn i i.-n 1 lind'-oliciicd October :il was obtained to admonish commanders of the few Southern 

fort, with garrisons io be on the alert against surprises and sudden assaults. (Major AodcrsuO 

was not among the admonished, being alreu.lv straitly beleaguered.) 

/„nit„ni:t To Lieutenant Skinnier, commanding in l'cn-ucola Harbor: 

"The gcn-Tal-in-chief directs that vou take measures to d- the utmost in your power to prevent 
tho seizure of either of the forts in I'cnsni-olu Harbor by surprise or assault, consulting first with 
the commander of the navy yard, who will probably have received instructions to co-operato with 
TOll " f Tli is order svas signed bv Aid-.lc-ramp Lay-) . 

It was just befor- the surrender of the I'ciisaeoln Navy Yard (January 12) that Lieutenant 
Slemmer cnlli.c- iit-u Commodore Armstrong, obtained the aid of some thirty common seamen 
- -- : "es), which, added Io his IC soldiers, made up Ins numKrs to if. men, witli 
i held Fort Pickens, and performed, working night and day, 



is officer lias 
an immense amount of labor in moun 
Early in January I renewed, as has 
Pickens, hut a goud deal of time wa 
movement is made by tho United S 
Pickens attacked. In case of movul 
known bv tho wires, there will be cor 



to be allowed to rc-enforcc Fort 
, lust in vaiilhiiion- First, the President " thought, if no 
at. a. Fort M'lie.i will probably not be occupied nor" Fort 
lcnl's by the United .States, which will doubtless be made 
esponding local movements, and the attempt to rc-enforcc 
e made by iiit/Aiil-iIe-e*""/' /"y. about Janimri/ 1!2, of the I'res- 
iiiatt's rriiiu to a muingofrom me.) Nest, it was 'doubted whether it would be safe to send re-cn- 
forceinetu- in an m,..i ned steamer, and the want, as -w.ifl*, of a suitable naval vessel— the Brook- 
Ivn l-ing long b-ld iu re-ev-'c at Noif.-lk f.-r -.m.- purpose, unknown to me. I- iin.lly, utter I bad 
kept a bodv of three hundred recruits iu New York llarlwr fur some time— and they would have 
been «uin\ lent to re-enforee temi-rarilv Fort Pickens and to occupy Fort M'ltca also— tho Presi- 
dent, aboal Jnniian Is, permitted that the sbop-of-war Brooklyn should take a single company, 
ninety men, from Fort Monroe, Hnmpton Hoads, and re-enforco Lieutenant Slemmer in Fort 
Plokoni, but without a surplus man for the neighboring fort, M'llea. 

Tho Brooklyn, with Caj.iain Vodges's . oinpany alone, left the Chesapeake for Fort Pickens about 
Jauunrv "'' iiii-I on I he 'j'.lili, Pre.-iil- lit Buchanan, having entered into a qutLU armistice with cer- 
tain le.i.lm'g -c . -I. r- it Peii-'irola and elsewhere, caused Secretaries Hoi. and Toucey to instruct, 
in a joiiii nui. !'.■■ ■ 'inn. in I r. of the war vessels oil' Punsacola, and Lieutenant Slemmer, com- 
manding Fori IV '■ •.■■ • tmmlt no not of hostility, and nut to land Captain Vodges's company 



u-ked.' 



brought up trom the Sabine and the St. Louis. The enemy was expected 
to resist the landing, and was known to have stationed strong coast-guards 
for that purpose. After the moon bad set, between ten and eleven o'clock, 



til March 25, hut supposed the armistice was consequent upon 
leatfug of the Pence Convention at Washington, and was understood to terminate with it.] 
■firing however, of the must active preparations for hosiilinas on the part of the secedcrs at 
i.robiTl-v lb- erection of new batteries and arming; Fort M'Kta— that had not a fe-un mounted 
i it was seized— during the Peace Convention and since, I brought tho subject to tho notice of 
lew iiitminisiratioll, when this note, dated March 12, to Captain Vodges, was agreed upon, 

"At the lirsi fiiior.ilile moment you will land with your company, re-enforce Fort Pickens, 
lold the sin in-- till fan her orders." This order, in duplicate, left New York by two naval ves- 
iboiit ih u.iddl" of March, as the mail and the wires could not he trusted, and detached ttffl- 
i ,: i -i - ' .tit it. d, f .r two had already been arrested and paroled by tho authorities, of 

, l . ,! . ■ ■ . i ,k. -i i ..in one of them, and a third, to escape like treatment, forced to turn 

win n ii ir th .' . ity. Tim.-, those authorities have not ceased to mukc war upon [lie United 

s since the capiure bv them of the navv Yard, January 12. 

Wikfield Scott. 

c President Biirlianan in Reply to General Scott. 

j General E 

tho public. This is throughout an undisguised censure of my conduct during the last months of 
the administration in regard to the seven cotton states now in rebellion. From our pa; 
I was greiiih surprised at the appearance, of such a paper. In one aspect, however, it was highly 
gratifwng. 'it has justified me, nay, it has rendered it absolutely necessary, that I should no 
longer remain silent in respect to charges which have been long vaguely circulating, but are now 
iudo.-i.l bv th.- r. -punsible name of General Scott. 

I. Tho tirst mid most prominent among these charges is ray refusal immediately to garrison 
nine enumerated fortifications, scattered over six of the. .Southern states, according to the recom- 
mendation of General Scott in his " views" addressed to the War Department on the 20th and 
80th of October, ISGO ; and it has even been alleged that if this had been done it might have pre- 
vented the civil wnr. 

This refusal is attributed, without the least cause, to the influence of Governor Floyd. Alt my 
cabinet must bear me wilness that I was the President myself, responsible for all the acts of the 
administration ; and certain it i3 that during the last sis months previous to the 29th of Decem- 
ber, 1860, tlie day on which he resigned his office, after my request, he exercised less influence on 
tho administration thim any other member of tho cabinet. Mr. Holt was immediately thereafter 
tmnsfcrrcd from the Post-office Deportment io that of War; fio that, from this lime until the 4th 
of March, 1801, which was by far the most important period of the administration, he performed 
the duties of Secretary of War to my eniire satisfaction. 

But why did 1 not immediately garrison these nine fortifications in such a manner, to use tho 
language of General Scott, "as to make any attempt to lake any one of them by surprise or coup- 
dt-mnin ridiculous?" There is one answer, both easy and conclusive, even if other valid roa- 
aons did not exist. There were no available troops within reach which could be sent to these 
fortifications. To have attempted a military operation on a. scale so extensive by any means 
within Ihe President's power would have been simply absurd. Uf this General Scott himself 
scorns to bayo been convinced, for on the day after the date of his first " views" ho addressed (on 
tho SOili of October I supplemental views to the War Department, in which he states, " There i* 
obi 'nguUir) company in Boston, one here (at the Narrows), one at Pittsburgh, one at Augusta, lia., 
one at Baton Rouge"— in all, Jiee comjiania only within reach to garrison or re-enforee the forts men- 

Fivo companies — four hundred men — to occupy and re-enforce nine fortifications in six highly- 
excited Southern states! The force "within reach" was so entirely inadequate that nothing 
rpore need bo said on the subject. To have attempted such a military operation with so feeble a 
force, and the presidential election impending, would have been an invitation to collision and se- 
cession. Indeed, if the whole American army, consisting then of only 16,000 men, bad been 
"within reach," they would have been scarcely sufficient for ihis purpose. Such was our want 
of troops that General Scott, believing, iu opposition to the opinion of the committee rnised in the 
Ilouso of Representatives, that the inauguration of .Mr. Lincoln might be interrupted by military 
force, was only able to assemble at Washington, so Into as the 4th of March, 068 men, rank and 
file of the army ; and, to make up this number, even the tappers and miners were brought from 
West Point. 

But why was there no greater foreo within reach ? This question could be better answered by 
ikneml Scott himself than any other person. Our small regular army, with the — 

ooH//n, with CapWn Vadgca oo_bonrd,". 



t Pick 



;ta oq mm, wuunt bo uhll^pil, 

n bo fifty tallaa .iff [ndaMLll 

I tail tuslly tarried bcCuiu tlui rc-iaUurceiacat* could bavu reictitd 



few hundred men, were out of reach 1 , on our remote frontiers, where it had been continuously sta- 
tioned for years tu protect the inhabitants and the emigrants on their way thither against the at- 
tacks of hostile Indians. All were insufficient, and both General Scott and myself had endeavored 
in vain to prevail upon Congress tu raise several additional regiments for this purpose. In rec- 
ommending this augmentation of the army, the general states, in his report to the War Depart- 
ment of November, 1857, that " ir would nit more than furnish the rc-cnforcemcnts now greatly 
needed in Florida, Texas, New Mexico. California, Oregon, Washington (T.I, Kansas, Nebraska, 
Minnesota, leaving not a company for Utah." And again, in his report of November, 1858, ho 

'"This want of troops to give reasonable security to our citizens in distant settlements, including 
emigrants on the plains, can scarcely be too strongly stated ; but I will only add, that as often as 
we have been obliged to withdraw troops from one frontier in order to re-enforce another, the 
weakened points have been instantly attacked or threatened with formidable invasion." 

These "views" of General Scott exhibit the crude notions then prevailing, even among intelli- 
gent and patriotic men, on ibis subject of secession. In the Erst sentence, the general, while stating 
that, "to save time, tho right of secession rimy bo conceded," yet immediately says, "this is instant- 
ly balanced by ihe correlative right on the part of the federal government against an interior elate 
or states lo re-establish, by force if necessary, its former continuity of territory." (For this hu 
cites Paky's Ifornl and Policial Philo^/ihy, last chapter. It may be there, but I have been un- 
able to find it.) While it is difficult to ascertain bis precise meaning in this passage, he renders 
what he did not mean quite clear in his supplementary "views." In these ho says, "It will be 
seen that the ' views' only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union." 
The falling off say of Texas, or of all the Atlantic states from the Potomac south (ihe very cose 
which has oceurred), was not within the scope of General Scott's " provisional remedies ;" that is 
to say, to establish by force, if necessary, the continuity of our territory. In his " views" he also 
states as follows: "Put break this glorious Union by whatever line or lines that political madness 
may contrive, and there would be no hope of reuniting the fragments except by the laceration and 
desj-otism of the sword. To effect such result, the intestine wars of our Mexican neighbors 
would, in comparison with ours, sink into mere child's play." In the general's opinion, " a smaller 
evil (than these intestine wars) would be to allow the fragments of the great republic lo form 
themselves into new confederacies, probably four." He then points out what ought to bo tho 
boundaries between the new unions, and at the end of each goes so far as even to indicate tho 
clues which oaglu to be the capitals of the three tirst on this side of the Kockv Mountains, to wit, 
" Culumbio, South Carolina;" "Alton or Qniney, Illinois;" and "Albany, New York," excluding 
Washington City altogether. This indication ot capitals contained in the original now in my pos- 
session is curiously omitted in the version published in the National Intelligencer, He designates 
no capital for the fourth union on the Pacific. Tho reader will judge what encouragement these 
views, proceeding from so distinguished a source, must have afforded to the secessionists of tho 

I trust I have said enough, and more than enough, to convince every mind why I did not, with 
a force of five companies, attempt to re-enforee Forts Jackson and St, Philip, on the Mississippi ; 
Fort Morgan, below Mobile ; Foris Pickens and M'liea, in Pensacola Harbor ; Fort Pulaski, be- 
low Savannah ; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston Harbor; and Fort Monroe, in Virginia. 

These " views," both original and supplementary, were published by General Scott in the Na- 
tional Intelligencer of January 18, 1301, at the most important and critical period of the adminis- 
tration. Their publication at that time could do no possible good, and might do much harm. To 
have published them without the President'!! knowledge or consent was as much in violation of tho 
Sacred confidence whicli ought io prevail between the commanding general of the army and tho 
commander-in-chief as it would have been fur tho Secretary of War to publish the same documents 
without his authority. What is of more importance, their publication was calculated injuriously 
to ntt'ect the compromise measures then pending before Congress and the country, and to encour- 
age the secessionists in their mad and wicked attempt to shatter the Union into fragments. From 
the great respect which I then entertained for the general I passed it over in silence. 

It is worthy of remark thai, soon after the presidential election, representations of what these 
" views" contained, of more or less correctness, were unfortunately circulated, especially through- 
out the South. The editors of the .V.fi..a... Intelligencer, in assigning a reason for their pnblica- 
lion, state tbat both in public pi mis and in public speeches allusions had been madu to them, and 
tome m isiijiiiteben- ions of il'cii i hnr.i. t. r bud got abroad. 

II. and III. General Scott states that be arrived in Washington on the 12th, and, accompanied 
by tho Secretary of War, held a conversation with the President on the loth of December. While 
I have no recollection whatever of this universal ion, he doubtless states correctly that I did refuse 
to send three hundred men to rc-onforce Major Anderson at Fort Moultrie, who had not then re- 
moved to Fort Sumter. The reason for this refusal is manifest to all who recollect the history of 
the time. Bat twelve days before, in the annual message of the 3d of December, I had urged 
upon Congress the adoption of amendments lo the Constitution of the same character with those 
subsequently proposed by Mr. Crittenden, called tho "Crittenden Compromise." At that time 
high hopes were entertained throughout the country that these would be adopted. Besides, I be- 
lieved, and this correctly, as the event proved, that Major Anderson was then in no danger of at- 
tack. Indeed, he and his command were then treated with marked kindness by the authorities 
and people of Charleston. Under these circumstances, to have sent such a force there would have 
been only to impair the hope of compromise, to provoke collision, and disappoint the country. 

There are some details of this conversation in regard to which the general's memory must bo 
defective. At present I sliall specify only one. I could not have stated that on a future contin- 
gent occasion 1 would telegraph " Major Anderson, of Fort Moultrie, to bold the forts (Moultrie 
and Sumter) against attack," because, with pre. lent precaution, this bad already been done several 
days before, th rough a special messenger sent to Major Anderson for this very purpose. I refer to 
Major ISucll, of the army. 

The general's supplementary note of the same day, presenting to mc General Jnckson's conduct 
in 1833, during the period of nullification, OS an example, requires no special notice. Even if,tho 
cases were not entirely different, 1 had previously determined upon a policy of my own, as will 
appear from my annual message. This was, at every hazard, to collect the customs at Charleston, 
and outside of the port, if need be, in a vessel of war. Mr. Coleock, the existing collector, as I 
had anticipated, resigned his office about the end of December, and immediately thereafter I nom- 
inated to the Senate, as his successor, a suitable person, prepared at any personal risk to do his 
duty. That body, however, throughout the entire session, declined to act on this nomination. 
Thus, without a collector, it was rendered impossible to collect the revenue, 

IV. General Scott's statement alleges that "the Brooklyn, wiih Captain Vodges's company 
alone, left the Chesapeake for Fort Pickens about January 22, and on the 29th President Bu- 
chanan, having entered into a 711(111 armistice with certain leading secedcrs at l'ensncola and else- 
where, caused Secretaries Hull and Toucey to instruct, in a joint note, the commander of the war- 
vessels off Pensacola, and Lieutenant Slemmer, commanding Fort Pickens, to commit no net of 
hostility, aadnot to land Captain Vodges's command unless the fort should be attacked." He aft- 
erward states, within brackets, "That joint note I never saw, but supposed the arm is t ice was con- 
sequent upon the meeting of the Peace Convention at Washington, and was understood to termi- 
nate with it." 

These statements betray a singular want of memory on the part of General Scott. It is scarce- 
ly credible that this very joint note, presented in such odious colors, was submitted to General 
Scott on the day it was prepared (January 23), and met his entire approbation. I would not 
venture to make this assertion if I did not possess conclusive evidence to prove it. On that day 
Secretary Holt addressed mc a note, from which the fallowing is an extract: ''Z.ilnw the satis- 
Jaetion of saying that on submitting the paper to General Scott, be txpreestdhimnlftatinjltavna if, 
laying tftat there could be no objection to the arrangement in a military point officii- or otherwise." 
This requires no comment. That the general had every reason to be satisfied with the arrange- 
ment will appear from the following statement: 

A revolutionary outbreak had occurred in Florida; the troops of the United States had been 
expelled from Pensacola and the adjacent navv vard ; and Lieutenant Slemmer, of tho artillery, 
with his brave little command, had been forced to take refuge in Fort Pickens, where he was 111 
immiuent danger every moment of being captured by a vastly superior force. Owing to the in- 
terruption of regular communications, Secretory Holt did not receive information of these events 
until several days after their occurrence, and then through a letter addressed 10 a third person. 
He instantly informed the President of tho fact, and re-enforcements, provisions, and military 
stores were dispatched by the Brooklyn to Fort Pickens without a moment's unnecessary delay. 
She left Fortress Monroe" on the 24th of January. 

Well-founded apprehensions were, however, entertained at tho time of her departure that tho 
re- enforcements, with the vessels of war at no great distance from Fort Pickens, could not arrive 
iu time to defend it against the impending attack. In this state of suspense, and while Lieuten- 
ant Slemmer was in extreme peril. Senators Slidell, Ilanter, and Bigler received a telegraphic 
dispatch from Senator Mallorv, of Florida, dated at Pensacola on the 28th of January, with tho 
urgent request that they should lay it before, the President. This dispatch expressed 
desire to maintain the pence, as well as the most positive assurance that 
on Fort I'iek.-ns if the present s'o(-..< slioul.l l-o | -reserved. 
This proposal was carefully Considered, both with a v" 
happy effect which an actual collision either at that 



... _o the safety of tho fort and 
r any other point, might prodi 



attack moid ho mado 
the an 



18C1.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



73 



the Brooklyn got under way, and moved toward the shore as slowly and as 
silently as possible. "When the soundings showed but seven fathoms of wa- 
ter, she hove to, and the troops were disembarked. Under command of 



n Sunday, tho 30 tu of December, 
o the War Department, anil oth- 



Peace Convention then about to assemble at Washington. The result was, that a joint dispatch 
was carefully prepared by the Secretaries of War and Navy accepting the proposal, with important 
modification?, which was transmitted by telegraph on the I'Bth of January to Lieutenant Slemmcr 
and to the naval commanders near the station. It is too long for transcription ; suffice it to say, 
it was carefully guarded at every point for the security of the fort and its free communication 
with Washington. 

The result was highly fortunate. The Brooklyn bad n long passage. Although she left For- 
tress Monroe on the 24th of January, she did not arrive at Pcnsaeola until the tSth of February. 
In the mean time, Fort Pickens, with Lieutenant Slemmer (whose conduct deserves high com- 
mendation) and his brave little band, were placed, by virtue of this arrangement, in perfect se- 
curity until iin adequate Force had arrived to defend it against any attack. Tho fort is still in our 
possession. Weil might General Scott have expressed his satisfaction with this arrangement. The 
general was correct in the supposition that this arrangement was to expire on the termination of 
the Peace Convention. 

V. But wc now come to an important period, when dates will he essentially necessary to disen- 
tangle the statements of General Scott. The South Carolina commissioners wire appointed on 
the 22d, and arrived in Washington on the l'7th of December. The day after their arrival it was 
announced that Major Anderson had removed from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. This render- 
ed them furious. On the same day they addre— cd an angry letter to the President, demanding 
the surrender of Fort Sumter. Tho President answered this letter nn the 30th of December with 
n peremptory refusal. This brought forth n reply finm the tummis-ioiicrs mi the 2d of January, 
1801, of such on insulting character that the President instantly returned it to them with the fol- 
lowing indorsement: "This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he 
declines to receive it." From that time forward nil friendly, political, and personal intercourse 
finally ceased between tho revolutionary senators anil the President, and he was severely attacked 
by them in the Senate, and especially by Mr. Jefferson Davis. Indeed, their intercourse hud pre- 
viously been of the coldest character ever since the President's onti -secession message at the com- 
meneement of the session ■■( Congress. 

Under these changed rircuinslimce.s, General Scott, by 
addressed the fallowing inquiry to the President- 

"Will the President permit General Scott, without refc 
crwise as secretly as possible, to send two hundred and fifty recruits from New York llnrbor to 
enforce Fort Sumter, together with some extra muskets or rifles, ammunition, and subsistence r 
It is hoped that a s!oop-of-wnr and cutter may be ordered for the sumo purpose ' to-morrow." " 
Tho general seems not to have then known that Mr. Floyd was out of office. 
Never did a request meet a more prompt compliance. It was received on Sunday evening, 
December 30. On Monday morning I gave instructions to the War and Navy Departments, and 
on Monday everting General Scott enmc l>> congratulate me that the sccreturi'S had issued the 
necessary order? to the army and navy officers, and thai they were in his possession, The Brook- 
lyn, with troops, military stores, and provisions, was to sail forthwith from Fortress Monroe for 
Fort Sumter. I am, therefore, utterly at a loss to imagine shy the general, in his statement, 
should have asserted that "the South Carolina commissioners had nlrendy been many days in 
Washington, and no movement of defense (on the part of the United States) was permitted." 
These commissioners arrived in Washington on the 27th of December; General Seott's request 
was made to the President on the 30th ; it was complied with on the 31st, and a single day is all 
that represents the "many days" of the general. 

Again ; General Seott assorts, in the face of these facts that the President refused to allow- any 
attempt to be made — to re-enforce Fort Sumlcr — because he was holding negotiations wilh the 
South Carolina commissioners. And still again, that "afterward Secretory Holt and myself en- 
deavored in vain to obtain n ship-of-war for the purpose, and were finally obliged to employ the 
passenger steamer Star of the West." Will it be b< heved that the substitution of the Star of the 
West for the powerful war steamer Brooklyn, of win. h lie Ma eumpl.uns, was by advice of Gen- 
eral Scott himself? I have never heard that doubted until I read the statement. 

At the interview already referred to between the general and myself, on the evening of Mon- 
day, the 31st of December, I suggested to him that, although I had not received the South Caro- 
lina commissioners in their ufluinl capacity, but merely as private gentlemen, yet it might be con- 
sidered an improper act to send the Brooklyn with re-enforcements to Fur: Sumter until I had 
received an answer from them lo my letter of the preceding day ; that the delay could not con- 
tinue more than forty-eight hours. He promptly concurred in this suggestion as gentlemanly and 
proper, and tho orders were not transmitted to the Brooklyn on that evening. My anticipations 
were correct, fur on the morning of the 2d of January I received their insolent note, and sent it 
back to them. In the mean time, however, the general had become convinced, by the representa- 
tions of a gentleman whom I forbear to name, that the better plan, as the Secretaries of War and 
the Navy informed me, to secure secrecy and success, and reach the fort, would be to send a fast 
lide-whoel mercantile steamer from New York with the re-en forcemeat, Accordingly, the .Star 
of the West was selected for this duty. The substitution of this mercantile steamer for the Brook- 
lyn, which would have been able to defend herself iu ease of attack, was reluctantly yielded by me 
to the high military judgment of General Scott. 

The change of programme required a brief space of time ; but the Star of the West left New- 
York for Charleston oil the evening of the oth of January. On the very day, however, when this 
ill-fated steamer left New York, n telegram was dispatched by General Scott to Colonel Scott to 
countermand her departure; but it did not reach her destination until after she had gone to sea. 
The reason for this countermand shall be stated in ihe language of Secretary Molt, to l>c found 
in a letter addressed by him to Mr. Thompson, tho late Secretary of the Interior, on the 6th of 
March, 1801, and published in the SaUnwl IntrUUjratgr. Mr. Holt says: 

"The countermand spoken of (by Mr. Thompson) was not more cordially sanctiqned by the 
President than it was by General Scott and myself; not because of any dissent from the orders on 
the part of the President, but because of a lettet received that day from Major Anderson, stating, 
in effect, that he regarded himself secure in his position ; and yet more from intelligence which 
late on Saturday evening (January o, 1801) readied the department, that a heavy battery had 
been erected among the sand-hills at the entrance to Charleston Harbor, which would probably 
destroy any unarmed vessel (and such was the Slur of the Wat) which might attempt to make its 
way to Fort Sumter. This important information satisfied the government that there was no 
present necessity for lending n -enforcements, and that, when sent, they should go, not in a vessel 
of commerce, but of war. Hence the countermand was dispatched by telegraph lo New York ; 
but the vessel bad sailed a short time before it reached the officer (Colonel Scott) to whom it was 
addressed." 

A statement of these facts, established by dates, proves conclusively that the President was not 
only willing, but anxious, in tho briefest period, to re-enforce Fort Sumter. 

Ou the 4th of January, the day before the departure of the Star of the West from New York, as 
General Scott in his statement admits, succor was sent to Fort Taylor, Key West, and to Fort Jef- 
ferson, Tortugos Island, which reached those ]»ints in time for their security. He nevertheless 
speculates on the consequences which might have followed had the re-enforcements not reached 
their destination in due time; nnd even expresses the extraordinary opinion that, with the pos- 
session of these forts, "the rebels might have purchased nn early recognition." 

I shall next advert to the statement that the expedition, under Captain Ward, "of three or four 
small steamers belonging to the Const Survey,'' was kept hack by something like a truce or armis- 
tice [made here], embracing Charleston and Pcnsaculn Harbors, agreed upon between the late Pres- 
ident and certain principal sec-odors of South Carolina, Florida, I.oni-iana, etc. And this truee 
lasted to "the end of the administration." Things altogether distinct in their nature are often so" 
blended in this statement that it is difficult to separata them. Such is eminently the case in con- 
necting the facts relative to Charleston with Pcnsaeola. 

Having already treated of tho charge of having kept back rc-enforcements from Fcnsacoln, I 
have now to say something uf the charge of having alsu kept them b.ak I'mui Charleston, Neither 
a truce, nor quasi truce, nor any thing like it, was ever concluded between the President and any 
human authority concerning Charleston. On the contrary, tho South Carolina commissioners, 
first and last, ami all the lime, were informed that the President could never surrender Fort Sum- 
ter, nor deprive himself of the most entire liberty to send re-enforcenienls to it whenever it was 
believed to be in danger, or requested by Major Anderson. It is strange that General Scolt was 
not apprised of this well-known fact. It was, then, with some astonishment that I learned from 
the statement of the general that he had, on tho 12th of March, 1801, advised that Major Ander- 
son should be instructed to evacuate the fort as Boon as suitable transportation could be procured 
to carry himself mil his cumin mi J to New York. A military necessity fur a capitulation may have 
existed in case there should be nn attack upon the fort, or a demand for its surrender, but surely 
none such could have existed for Its voluntary surrender nnd abandonment. 

Probably that to which the general means to refer was not the man, but the actual trncc of arms 
concluded at Charleston on the 1 1th of January, 1801, between Governor Pit kens and Major An- 
derson, without the knowledge of the President. It was on the Oth of January that tho Star of 
the West, under the American Hag, was fired upon in the harbor of Charleston, "by order of Gover- 
nor Pickens. Immediately after this outrage, Major Anderson sent a flag to the governor, stating 
that he presumed the act hud been unauthorized, and fur that reason he hud not opened fire from 
Fort Sumter an the adjacent batteries ; but demanding its disavowal, ami, if this were nut sent in a 
reasonable time, he would consider it war, and Ore, ou any vessel that attempted to leuvu the har- 



Lieutenant Albert N.Smith, they pulled off with swift nnd steady strokes 
and made for a point three miles from the fort, from which it was the inten- 
tion that they should march to their destination. But the surf was found to 



bor. Two days after this occurrence, on the I lib. of January, Governor Pickens had the audacity 
to demand ot Major Anderson the surrender of the fort. In his answer of the same date the ma- 
jor made the following proposition : "Should your excellency deem fit, previous to a resort to 
anus, to refer this matter to Washington, it would afford me the sincere pleasure to depute one of 
my officers to accompany any messenger you may deem propel to be the bearer of your demand." 
This proposition w;ls prompt! v accepted by the governor, and, in pursuance thereof, he sent, on his 
part, Hon. J. W, Wayne, the attorney general of South Carulina, to Washington, while Major An- 
derson deputed Lieutenant Hall, of tho United States Army, to accompany him. These gentle- 
men arrived together in Washington on the evening of ihe 13th of January, when the President 
obtained the first knowledge of the transaction. But it will be recollected that no time intervened 
between the return of the Star of the Wtst to New York and the arrival of tho messenger bearing 
a copy of tho truce at Washington within which it would have been ]HJssible to send re-enforcc- 
ments to Fort Sumter. Both events occurred nbout the same time. 

Thus a truce, or suspension of arms, was concluded between the parties, to continue until the 
question of tho surrender of the fort should be decided by the President. Until this decision, Mo- 
jor Anderson had placed it out of his own power to ask for re-enforcements, and equally out of 
the power of the government to send them without a violation of public fnilh. This wns what 
writers on public law denominate "a partial truce, under which hostilities ore suspended only in 
certain places, as between a town nnd the army besieging it.'' It is possible that the President, 
under the laws of war, might have annulled this truce upon due notice lo ihe opposite party; but 
neither General .Scott nor any other person ever suggested this expedient. This would have lieen 
to cast a reflection on Major Anderson, who, beyond question, acted from the highest and purest 
motives. Did General Scott ever propose to violate this truce during its existence? If he did, I 
am not now, and never was, aware of the fact Indeed, I think he would have been one of tho lost 
men in the world to propose such a measure. 

Colonel Hayne did nut deliver the letter which he bore from Governor Pickens, demnnding tho 
surrender of the fort, to the President until the 31st of January. The documents containing the 
reasons for this wnirying delay were communicated to Congress in n special message of the 8th of 
February, to which I refer the reader On the fith of February, the Secretary of War, under iho 
instructions ot the President, gave n peremptory refusal to this demand, in an able nnd compre- 
hensive letter, reviewing the whole subject, explaining and justifying ihe conduct of the President 
throughout*. lis concluding sentence is both eloquent and emphatic: 

" If," says Mr. Holt, "with all the multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety foi 
peace, ond of the earnestness with which be has pursued it, the authorities of that stale shall as- 
sault Fort Sumter, and imperil the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its 
' id thus plunge our country into tho honors of civil war, then upon them and those they 



i staling " that it lasted to the end 



represent must rest the responsibility." 

The truce was then ended, nud General Scott ij 
of that administration." 

An expedition was quietly fitted out at New York, under the supervision of General Seott, to bo 
ready for any contingency. He arranged iis details, and regarded [he ro-enforcements thus pro- 
vided for ns sufficient. This was ready to sail for Fort Sumter on five hours' notice; It is of this 
expedition that General Scott thus speaks : 

" At that time, when this [tho truce) had passed nwny, Secretaries Holt nnd Toncoy, Captain 
Ward, of the Navy, and myself, with the knowledge of the President, settled upon ihe employment, 
under the captain, of three or four steamers belonging to the Coast Survey, but he was kept back 
by the truce." 

A strange inconsistency. The truee bad expired wilh Mr. Holt's letter to Colonel Hnyne on 
the fith of February, nnd General Scott, in his statement, says, "it would have been easy lo re-en- 
force this fort down to about the 12th of February." Why, then, did not the re-enforcements pro- 
ceed? This was simply because of comrniiiiieuuuns frem Major Anderson. It was most fortu- 
nate that they did not proceed, because ihe three or four small steamers which were to bear them 
would never have reached the fort, ami in the attempt must have been captured or destroyed. Tho 
vast inadequacy of the force provided to accomplish the object was demonstrated by information 
received from Major Anderson at the War Dcpnrftncnt on the last day of the ndministralion. 

I purposely forbear nt present to say more on this subject, lest I might, however unintentional- 
ly, do injustice lo one or more of the parties concerned, in consequence of the brevity required b; 
the nature of this communication. The facts relating to it, with ihe appropriate accompaniments, 
have been fully presented in a historical review, prepared a year ago, which will ere long be pub- 
lished. This review contains a sketch of the four lust months of my administration. It is im- 
partial ; at least such is my honest conviction. That it has not yet been published has arisen 
solely from an apprehension, no longer entertained, that something therein might be unjustly per- 
verted into nn interference with the government in a vigorous prosecution of the war for the main- 
tenance of the Constitution and the restoration of the Union, which was far, very far, from my in- 
tention. 

After a careful retrospect, I can solemnly declare before. God and my country that I can not re- 
proach myself with any act of commission or omission since the existing iruubles commenced. I 
have never doubted that my countrymen would yet do me justice. In my special message of the 
Sth of January, 18G1, I presented a full and fair exposition of the alarming condition of the coun- 
try, nnd urged Congress cither lo adopt measures of compromise, or, failing in this, to prepare for 
the last alternative. In both aspects my recommendation was disregarded. I shall close this 
document with a quotation of the last sentences of that message, ns follows: 

" In conclusion, it may bo permitted me to remark thai I have often warned my countrymen of 
the dangers which now surround us. This may be tho last lime I shall refer to the subject offi- 
cially. I feel that my duty has been faithfully, though it may be imperfectly, performed ; and, 
whatever the result may be, I shall carry to my grave the consciousness that I at least meant well 
for my country." Your obedient servant, James Bl-ciianau. 

WtMlUand, Dear Laaeulcr, October 28, 1S03. 

Rejoinder oj Lieutenant General Seott. 
To tho Editors oi tho National Intolllncncor: 

I regret to find myself in a controversy with the vcnerahle ex-President Duchanan. 

Recently (Oct. 21) you published my official report to President Lincoln, dated March 30, 1861, 
giving a summary of my then recent connection with our principal Southern forts, which, I am 
sorry lo perceive, has given offense to the ex-President. That result, purely incidental, did not 
enter into my purpose in drawing up the paper, but, on reflection, I suppose that, under the cir- 
cumstances, offense was unavoidable. 

Let it he remembered that the new president had a right lo demand of me — the immediate com- 
mander of the army— how it had happened that the incipient rebels had been allowed to sciio 
several of those forts, and from the bad condition of others were likely lo gain possession of them 
also. Primarily, the blame rested exclusively on mc. Hence, to vindicate my sworn nllcgiuneo 
to the Union and professional conduct, the report was submitted to President Lincoln nt nn eurlj 
day (in his administration), ond recently to the wot! " 

To that short paper ex- President Buchanan publishes a reply, of double the length, in The In- 
telligencer of the 1st instant. My rejoin dor, from necessity, if not taste, will be short, for I bold tho 
pen in a rheumatic hand, and am without aid-de-camp or amanuensis, ami without a printed doc- 
ument and my own official papers. 

Unable, in my present condition, to make an analysis of the ex-President's long reply, I avail 
myself of a substitute furnished by an accidental visitor, who has kindly marked the few points 
which he thinks may require some slight notice at my hands. 

I. To account for not having garrisoned sufficiently tllO Southern forts named against anticipated 
treason nnd rebellion, according to my munv recommendations, beginning i let. 39, 1BG0, repealed 
the next day, nnd again, mom earnestly, lice. 13, 15, 28, and 30, the ex-President says, "There 
wero no available troops within reach." 

Now, although it is true that, with or without the ex President's approbation, the Secretary of 
War had nearly denuded our whole enslom sea-board of troops in order to augment our forces in 
Texas nnd Utah, I nevertheless pointed out, at several of the above dates, the GOO reeruiis (abonlj 
which wp had in the harbor of New York and at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania, nearly all or- 
ganized into temporary companies, and tolerably drilled and disciplined— quite equal to iho pur- 
pose in question— besides the five companies of regulars near nt bund, mnkiug nbout 1000 men. 

These disposable troops would have given (say) two hundred men to the twin forts. Jackson nnd _ 
St. Philip, below New Orleans; an equal number to Fort Morgan, below Mobile; a re-enforce- 
ment of one hundred men to Fort Pickens, Pcnsaeola Harbor; and a garrison of the like number 
to tho twin fort M'Rcn; a garrison of one hundred men lo Fort Jefferson, Tortngos Island, nnd 
ihe same to Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, which, like Forts Jackson, St. Philip, Morgan, and 
M*Iieu, bad not at tho time a soldier— leaving about two hundred men for tho twin forts Moultrie 
and Sumter, Charleston Harbor, where there were two' weak companies, making less than ninety 
men. Fortress Monroe had already a garrison of somo eight companies, ono or two of which 
might, in the earlier period of danger, have been spared till volunteers could have been obtained, 
notwithstanding printed handbills wero every where posled in Eastern Virginia by an eccentric 
character, inviting recruits to take that most important work. 

Now I have nowhere said that cither of those forts, even with the rc-e n force me nt indicated, 
fould have had a tear garrison. Certainly nut. My proposition was to put coeh i» a condition 



HAMPER'S PICTORIAL 




GUNBOAT' WYANDOTTE." STOllESHIP "SUPPLY.' 



FRIGATE "SABINE." 



THE UNITED STATES FLEET 




GtJXfcOAT *T*"YA3£ 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR 



be so heavy that Lieutenant Smith regarded the danger from the elements 

as more to be feared than that from the enemy ; and he therefore instantly 
formed the resolution of passing directly up and landing in front of the fort. 
It was accomplished without attack; and he bad the satisfaction of seeing 
the gates of the fort close upon the full re-enforcement. The boats returned 
to the ships, and, taking off the marines from the Brooklyn, placed them 
safely too in Fort Pickens, and pulled back past Fort M'Eea and the Bar- 
rancas in broad daylight unharmed. It will be remembered, however, that 
this re-enforcement was only the result of a hasty attempt to meet the great 
emergency of the period immediately succeeding the seizure of the forts, the 
navy yard, and the arsenal by the insurgents, in the early stages of the move- 
ment for secession. The disgraceful truce had intervened. A few days 
after the Brooklyn had landed her artillerists, two large transports, the At- 
lantic and the Illinois, arrived off Santa Rosa, bringing seven hundred and 
fifty men, under the command of Colonel BTOTvn r berses--for a company of 
flying artillery, muskets, other munitions of war, and provisions. Under 
protection of the Sabine, of 50 guns, the Brooklyn, 14 guns, the St. Louis, 22 
guns, the AVater-Witch, the Wyandotte, the Crusader, and tbe Mohawk, of 
10 guns each, to which was added afterward the Powhatan, a powerful steam- 
er carrying 12 heavy guns, this important re-enforcement was landed — tbe 
troops in a single night; the horses, munitions of war, and provisions in the 
course of three days; and the 20th of April saw Fort Pickens, the most im- 
portant post upon the Gulf, amply garrisoned and provisioned, and under the 



[1861. 



as I expressly said, to guard against n surprise or coup-de-main (an oft-hand attack, one without 
full preparation). . . 

That these movements of small detachments might easily have been made in November and 
December, ISlit), and si>rac or them as late as the following month, can not bo doubted. But tho 
ex-President sneers at my " weak device" fur saving the forts. 

He forget* what the gallant Anderson did with a linndlul of men in Fort Sumter, and leaves 
out of the account what he might have done with a like handful in Foil Moultrie, even without 
farther ougmentntion of men to divide between Ihe garrisons. Twin forts, on the opposite sides 
of o channel, not onlv give a cross-fire on the head of an attack, but the strength of each is more 
than doubled bv the Hanking fire of the other. The same remark* apply to the gallant Lieutenant 
Slemmcr, with'hU handful of brave men, in Fort Pickens. With what contempt might ho nut 
have looked upou Chase or Bragg in front of him, with varying masses of from 2000 to G000 men, 
if Fort Pickens and its twin fori, M'Rcn, had had between them only 200 men! 

I have thos shown that small garrisons would, at first, have sufficed for the other twins, Forts 
Jackson and St. Philip also. My object was to save to the Union, by any means at hand, nil those 
works, until Congress could have time to organize ft call for volunteers— a call which the Presi- 
dent, for such a purpose, might no doubt have made, without any special legislation, with the full 
approbation i.f orery loyal man in the Union. 

2. The ex-President almost loses his amiability in having his neglect of the forts "attributed," 
as he Bays, "without the least cause, to the influence of Governor Floyd;" nnd he adds, "All my 
cabinet "must bear me witness that I was the President myself, responsible for all the acts of tbo 
administration." 

New. notwithstanding this broad assumption of responsibility . 1 <hmihl t»? sorry to believe that 
Mr. Buchanan specially consented to the removal by Secretary Floyd of 115.000 extra muskets 
and rifles, with all their implements and ammunition, from Northern repositories to Southern 
arsenals, so that, on the breaking out of the maturing rebellion, they might be found without cost, 
except to the United States, in the most convenient positions H.r distribution among the insur- 
gents. So, too, of the 120 or 140 pieces of heavy artillery which the same secretary ordered from 
Pittsburgh to Ship Island, in Lake Borgne, and Galveston, Texas, for forts not yet erected ! Ac- 
cidentia learning, early in March, that, under this posthumous order, tho shipment of theso guns 
had commenced, I communicated tho fuct to Secretary Holt (acting for Secretary Cameron) just 
in time to defeat ibe robbcrv. 

But on this point we may "bear ox-Secretary Floyd himself. At Richmond he expressly claimed 
the honor of defeating all my plans nnd solicitations respecting the furts, and received his reward 
— it being there universallv admitted that, but for that victory over me, there could have been no 
rebellion ! 

3. Mr. Buchanan complains that I jmMi-lu'd, without permission, January 18, ISCl, my views, 
addressed to him and the Secretary of War, October 20 and 30, I860. But that act was cnused, 
as I explained to him at tbe time, by the misrepresentations of the views in one of the earlier 
speeches of the same ex-secretary after his return to Virginia. 

i. One of my statements, complaining of the joint countermand sent through tbe Secretaries of 
War and Navy to prevent the landing at Fort Pickens of Captain Vodgcs'a company unless the 
fort should U attacked, is cited by the ex-President to prove a " singular want of memory" on my 
part ; and a note from Secretary Holt is adduced to show that I had entirely approved or tho joint 
countermand the day (Jan. 20) that it was prepared. Few persons are as little liable to make a 
misstatement by accident as Mr. Holt, and no one more incapable of making one by design ; yet 
I have not the slightest recollection of any interview with him on this subject. 

I do remember, however, that Mr. Holt, on some matter of business, approached my bedside 
about that time, when I was suffering greatly from an access of pain. Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Holt, 
end myself were all landsmen, and could know but little of the impossibility of landing troops on 
an open oca-beach, with a high wind nnd surf. Mr.Touccy, Secretary of the Navy, with officers 
about him of intelligence and nautical experience, ought to have said plumply that if Vodges 
was not to land except in the cose of attack on Fort Pickens, he might as well have remained at 
Fortress Monroe, as the prohibition placed the fort, so far as he was concerned, at the mercy, or 
(as the event showed) on the want of enteqirise on the part of the rebel commander at Pensncola. 
Possibly there are other parts of tin; reply which a superficial reader may think require com- 
ment or elucidation ; and, indeed, here is another marked for me by my kind visitor. 

5. The ex-President has brought together a labyrinth of dates respecting the arrival and de- 
parture of rebel commissioners, armistices, etc., with which, as I bad no official connection, I may 
have made an unimportant mistake or two ; but, as I have not by me the means of recovering tho 
clew to those winding*. 1 shall not attempt to rollow him. Wikfield Scott. 

Keif York, Fifth Avenue Hotel, November 6, 1603. 

Ei-Prciddent Buchanan's Rejoinder to Central Scott. 
To the Editor of the Nitkratl Intell I (fencer: 
With a few remarks I shall close the controversy with General Scott, into which I have been 
most reluctantly forced by his voluntary and unexpe. n .1 aitio k Tin- has, nevertheless, afforded 
mc an opportunity of correcting many unfounded reports which I had long borne in patience and 
in silence. In my answer, 1 have already furnished ell ar and distim t responses to all tho nllcga. 
lions of General Scott ; and in his rejoinder he has not called tn question any of my Malcmciits 
with a single exception. Which of us is correct in this particular depends upon tho question 
whether his recollection of an event which occurred more than eighteen months ago, or the state- 
ment of Mr. Holt, reduced to writing on the very day, is entitled to the greater credit. 

The general, in the introduction of his rejoinder, assign a as mi excuse for the criticism on my 
public conduct, that this was merely incidental to lits alleged uflleiul report to President Lincoln 
on the condition of our fortifications, and was not primarily intended Tor myself. From thin utatc- 
ment,onc would conclude that be lind made such a report. But where is this lo be found? For 
it he refers to the Intettigenctr of the 21st of October; but there I discover nothing but bis letter 
of four points to Mr. Seward, dated on the 3d of March, 1 HOI, advising the incoming President 
bow to guide bis administration in tbe face of the threatened dangers to the country. In the sin- 
gle introductory sentence to this letter be barely refers to his " printed views" (dated in October, 
18C0), which bud been long before the public ; but it contains nothing like an official report on tho 
condition of the fortifications. 

Whether the introduction of this letter to tho public, without the consent of President Lincoln, 
by one of the general's friends, in a political Speech during a highly excited gubernatorial canvass, 
had influenced hint to prepare his criticism on my conduct, it is not for mo to determine. 

At what period did General Scott obtain the six hundred recruits to which he refers in his re- 
joinder? This was certainly after tbo date of bis" views," on the limb of October, IHU0; because 
in these he Mutes emphatically that tbo forces then at his command were, " in all, five companies 
only within reach to garrison or re-enfuree the (nine) forts mentioned in the 'views.'" 

Did he obtain these recruits in November? If so, had he visited Washington, or written and 
explained to me in what manner the military operation could lie accomplished by the Tour hund- 
red men in the five companies and the six hundred recruits, I should have given his representa- 
tions all the consideration eminently due to his hi^li military reputation. 



command of an officer, Colonel Brown, to whom the firm and gallant Lieu- 
tenant Slemmer might cheerfully, both as a soldier and a patriot, yield the 
precedence due to his superior rank. The batteries upon the hostile shores 
were under the command of Colonel Bragg, who had won laurels as an offi- 
cer of artillery under the command of General Taylor in Mexico. 

Important as the possession of Fort Pickens was, the position of Washing- 
ton awakened a far livelier and more immediate interest throughout the 
country. To attack and gain possession of the national capital was the first 
impulse which found expression among the insurgents, excited almost to 
frenzy by the successful bombardment of Fort Sumter and the war-procla- 
mation of the President. To secure its safety was the first care of every pa- 
triot. The cry, Washington is in danger, flew from lip to lip over the whole 
land ; and men went about their necessary business with the ever-present ap- 
prehension of hearing at any moment of a bloody struggle upon the very 
steps of the yet unfinished Capitol for its possession. These were no vague 
fears, excited by the sudden peril of the country ; for one of tbe first effects 
of the proclamation had been to cause the passage of an Ordinance of Seces- 
sion in Virginia, and thus virtually to open the way for the march of the in- 
surgent forces directly upon Washington". In January, a resolution had been 
passed unanimously in the Senate of Virginia declaring that, if the sectional 
differences of the country could not be reconciled, honor and interest de- 
manded that she should unite her fortunes with those of her sister slavehold- 
ing states. At the same time, however, a resolution, bringing up tbe ques- 
tion of the policy of secession, was refused to be entertained by a vote of nine- 



But he informs ns he did not arrive in Washington until the 12th of December. His second 
recommendation to garrison these forts must consequently have been made, affording to his own 
statement, on tho 13th, 15th, 2Bth, or 80th of December, or on more than one of these days. At 
this period the aspect of public affairs had greatly changed fnuii what it was in October. Con- 
gress was now in session, and our relations with the seceding cotton states had been placed before 
them by tho President's Message. Proceedings had been instituted by that body with a view to 
a compromise of tho dangerous questions between the North and the South, and the highest hopes 
and warmest aspirations were then entertained for their success. Under these circumstances, it 
was the President's duty to take a broad view of the condition of the whole country, in all its re- 
lations, civil, industrial, and commercial, as well as military, giving to each its appropriate influ- 
ence. It was only from such n combination that be could frame a policy calculated to preserve 
the peace and lo consolidate the strength of the Union. Isolated recommendations proceeding 
from one department, without weighing well their cft'ect upon the general policy, ought to be adopt, 
ed with extreme caution. 

But it seems from the rejoinder that Secretary Floyd, at Richmond, had claimed the honor of 
defeating General Scott's " plans and solicitations respecting the forts ;" " it being there," says 
the general, " universally admitted that, hut for that victory over me, there could have been no re- 
bellion." This is, in plain English, that the sececssionists of the cotton states, who have since 
brought into the field hundreds of thousands of undoubtedly brave soldiers, would have abandon- 
ed in terror their unlawful and rebellious designs, bad General Scot! distributed among their nu- 
merous forts 480 men in October or I POO men in December! This requires no comment. I have 
never been able to obtain a copy of tbe speech of Mr. Floyd at Richmond to which I presume Gen- 
eral Scott refers; but I learned, both at the time and since, from gentlemen of high respectability, 
that in this same speech be denounced me most bitterly for my determination to stand by and sus- 
tain the Union with nil the power I possessed under Ihe Constitution nnd the laws. 

And here permit mc to remark that it is due to General Scott, as well at myself, to deny that 
thoto is any portion of my answer which justifies the allegation that "the ex-President sneers at 
my ' weak device' (tho words ' weak device' being marked as a quotation) for saving the forts." 
This mistake I must attribute to his " accidental visitor.'' 

And in this connection I emphatically declare that the genera), neither before nor after the pub- 
lication of his "views" in the National' Intelligencer of the 18th of January, 1861, without my con- 
sent, assigned any reason lo me for making tins publication, or ever even alluded to the subject. 
In this I can not be mistaken from the deep impression which the occurrence made upon my mem- 
ory, for the reasons already mentioned in my answer. 

I should have nothing more to ndd had General Scott, in bis rejoinder, confined himself to the 
topics embraced in bis original letter. He bus extended them, and now for the first time, and in 
a sarcastic nnd no kindly spirit, refers to tbo alleged stealing of public arms by Secretary Floyd, 
and their transportation to the Sooth in anticipation of the rebellion. The most conclusive answer 
to this allegation is that, notwithstanding the boasting of Sir. Floyd at Richmond, evidently with 
th" view of conciliating bis now allies, cited by the general as bis authority, no public arms were 
e'^r stolen. This fact is established by the report of the Committee on Military Affairs of tbo 
House of Representatives, now before mc, made by Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, their chairman, on tho 
18th of February, ISO I, and to be found in tbe second volume of the Reports of Committee* of the 
House for the session of 1860-61. This report, and the testimony before the committee, establish, 

1. That the Southern states received in I8GP less instead of more than the quota of arms to 
which they wore entitled by law ; and that three of them— North Carolina, Mississippi, and Ken- 
tucky—received no arms whatever, and this simply because they did not nsk for them. Well may 
Mr. Stanton hnvo said in the House " that there nro a good deal of rumors, nnd speculations, and 
misapprehension as to the true state of facts in regard to this matter." 

2. Secretary Floyd, under suspicious circumstances, on the 22d of Deci-mbcr, I860, nnd hot a few 
days before he left ihe Department, hod, without the knowledge of the President, ordered 118 CO* 
lumbiads and 1 1 32-pouiiders to bo transited from Pittsburgh to Ship I.-lnnd and Galveston, in 
Mississippi and Texas. The fact was brought to the knowledge of the President by a communi- 
cation from Pittsburgh ; and Secretary Holt immediately thereafter countermanded the order of 
his predecessi. ; nnd the cannon were never sent. The promptitude with which we acted elicited 
a vote of thanks, dated the 4th of January, 1861, from the Select and Common Councils of that 
city "to tho President, the Attorney General, and the acting Secretary of War" (Mr. Holt). 

After this statement, how shall wo account for the explicit declaration of General Scott that, 
"accidentally hearing early in March that under this posthumous order (that of Mr. Floyd of tbo 
22d of December) I In- shipment of ihcse guns had commenced, I cninmonii.oied the fact to Secre- 
tary Holt (nctire. for Secretary Cameron) just in time to defeat tho robbery?" And this is tho 
same Secretary Holt who had countermanded "tbe posthumous order" in the previous December. 
And, strange to snv, these guns, but fur the alleged interposition of General Scott, were about to 
be sent so lato is March from the loyal states into tboso over which Jefferson Davis had then for 
some time presided ! 

I I ltd General Scott reflected for n moment, be could not have fallen into this blunder. It is quite 
manifest ho was "without a printed document and mv (his) own official papers." 

;i The government bad on hand in the year isr.n about r.nn,iiim ..Id muskets, which had been 
condemned "its iiusuunhle for public service," under tho act of the . Id of March, 1825. They wore 
of Hitch a character that, although offered both at public mid private sale for $2 CO each, pur- 
chasers could noi lit. obtained at that rate, except for u comparatively small number. On tho dOth 
of November, 1H.VI, Secretary Floyd ordered about one fifth of the whole numlior (lOO.OuU) to bo 
sent from the Springfield Armory, where they had accumulated, to live Southern arsenals "'» pro- 
portion to their rapectiva means of proper storage." This order was carried into effect by tbo 
Ordnanco Bureau in the usual course of administration and without reference to the President. It 
is but justice to sav that, from the testimony before the committee, there is no reason to suspect 
that Secretary Floyd Issued this order from nnv sinister motive. Its dale was months before Mr. 
Lincoln's nomination for the presidency, and nearly a year before his election, and while the sec- 
retary was still an avowed opponent of secession. Indeed, the testimony of Colonel Craig nnd Cap- 
tain Mnvnnillor, of tbo Ordnance, before the committee, is wholly inconsistent with any evil inteti. 
tion on Ills part. 

And yet theso "condemned muskets," with a few thousand ancient idles of n calibre then no 
longer used, nro transformed by General Scott into " llr.,|]|>r> extra muskets and rillcs, with all their 
implements and ammunition." This is thu first limo I have hoard— certainly thore was nothing 
of tho kind before tho committee— thai atnmiiiiition was sent with theso condemned and inferior 
arms to their places of storage— just as though they had been intended, not for sale, but for Irnrfio- 
diato use in tho field. The truth is, that it is impossible to steal arms and transport them from 
one depository to another without the knowledge and active participation of the officers of tho Ord- 
nanco Bureau, both in Washington mid nt these depositories. It may be observed that Colonel 
Craig, thu head of lite Bureau at this period, was os correct an officer, and as loyal and ns honest 
a man as exists in the country. Yours very respectfully, 
Wlitdlluud, uutir LancuMur, Nov. IT, 1803. 



ubs Buchanan. 



1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



77 




HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OP THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 




1861.] 



THE UPKISING AT THE NORTH. 



79 



ty-six to thirty-sis. A state convention bad assembled at Richmond on the 
13th of February, and its deliberations bad continued up to the time of the 
bombardment of Fort Sumter. A very decided majority of this body was 
opposed to any movement toward secession ; and, except with a very small 
minority, there was a purpose and a hope that Virginia should yet act as a 
mediator between the revolted states and the government. But the mem- 
bers of the extreme slavery party were mdefaiigably active. They plied 
the Convention day after day with resolutions and speeches upon the "in- 
jury and oppression" which the sisterhood of slavery had suffered from the 
"federal government," the duty of resisting "coercion," the "sovereignty 
of the states," and the consecpaent " right of secession." They procured the 
appointment of a commission to catechise the President upon "the course 
he intended to pursue toward the seceded states." 9 In this body the dogma 
of state sovereignty again worked out those logical results so fatal to the 
Union ; for coercion, or, in other words, the assertion and maintenance of a 
supreme government for the execution of the supreme law of the land, was 
the bugbear that disturbed all concert of action against the seceding faction ; 
and therefore, when, even after the. attack upon Fort Sumter, the President 
called for troops to retake it and tlie other military posts which had been 
seized, most of the very Union men in this Virginia Convention felt com- 
pelled to declare that, " if the President meant the subjugation of the South," 
Virginia had but one course to pursue — to make common cause with her 
sister slave states, and resist. And so Governor Letcher having, on the 16th 
of April, as we have already seen, refused to furnish Virginia's quota of the 
troops called for by the President, and threatened resistance, 9 on the 17th an 
Ordinance of Secession was secretly hurried through the Convention, receiv- 
ing, in the excitement of the moment, a vote of eighty-eight against fifty- 
five. Even this, however, was but a provisional ordinance, which was to 
take effect only when ratified by the votes of a majority of the people of the 
state at a poll to be taken on the fourth Thursday of May following. 10 This 
was the first instance in which the insurgent leaders bad ventured to submit 
an Ordinance of Secession to the votes of the people. But in this very case 
they pursued their policy of precipitation and usurpation of power with a 
more guilty recklessness than ever before ; for, in spite of this special pro- 



' The President's Speech tolhc Virginia Commissioners, Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph. 

Gf^tlemen,— As a commiitoc of the Virginia Convention, now in session, yon present me 

preamble and resolution in these words:- 

" Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainly which prevail: 
) the policy which the federal executive intends to pursue toward the - 



n the public mind 
eded stales is ex. 
..v.-iely injurious to the industrial ami commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up nr 
excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of the pending difficulties, and threatens a dis- 
turbance of the public peace ; therefore, 

" Resolved, That a committee of tliree delegates be appointed to 
United States, present to him this preamble, and respectfully ask him 
vention the policy which the federal executive intends to pursue : 
Sta " 



regard 



the Trc-ident of the 

lis Con- 

the Confederate 



isior. in the ordinance itself, requiring a vote of the people for its establish- 
ment, another ordinance was immediately passed, adopting the Constitution 
of the Confederate States, and a solemn convention was entered into with 
commissioners from the government at Montgomery, by which Virginia be- 
came a member of the confederacy, submitted ber entire military force and 

lilitarv operations to the control of the President of the confederacy, and 
.jade over to the insurgent government all the public property, naval stores, 
and munitions of war, which, in delicate phrase, she might have "acquired" 
from the United States. 1 This ordinance was passed with indecent baste on 
the 17th day of April, and the convention was entered into upon the 25th. 
True, the former was in terms dependent upon the vote to be taken in May 
upon' the Ordinance of Secession. But as the state was meantime placed en- 
tirely in the military power of the insurgents, this provision was but the hol- 
lowest form of external decency. The effect of this action in Virginia was of 
inestimable advantage to the insurgents. It transferred tbeir frontier from 
the obscure and remote line of the northern boundary of the Gulf states to 
the Potomac River, and placed one end of the Long Bridge, which is the 
southern outlet of Washington, upon hostile soil. 

The temper and purposes of the people who bad thus usurped control of 
the most important of the slave states was instantly manifested by hostile 
movements of the most alarming character. Hardly was the conditional 
Ordinance of Secession passed, when the custom-house and the post-office at 
Richmond were seized, and on the evening of the same day, the 18th of 
April, an attack was made upon Uarper's Ferry. At this place, famous for 
the bold beauty of the scene, where the Potomac receives the waters of the 
Shenandoah, and pushes its way through a sbarply-cut gap in the Blue Ridge, 
was one of the largest arsenals of the United States, to which was attached 
a factory of arms of corresponding magnitude. The former usually con- 
tained ninety-five thousand stand of arms; and the latter, when in full op- 
eration, turned out twenty-five thousand yearly. Here, too, at the outlet of 
the Shenandoah Valley, which pierces the centre of Virginia, was one of the 
principal stations of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway, by which the great 
river commerce of the West passed eastward to the sea-coast; and a great 
and well-stored flour-mill, one of the largest iu the country. Around these 



a..... I have to say, that having, at the beginning of my official term, expressed my intend- 
ed policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great 
and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to 
pursue. Not having as' vet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue tho course 
marked out in tho inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document 
as (he best expression 1 can give to mv purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat, "The 
power confided in me will be used to' hold, occupy, and posses- property and places belonging to 
the government, and to collect the duties ami imposts ; but beyond what is necessary for these ob- 
jects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any where." By the 
words "property and places belonging to the government," I chiefly allude to the military posts 
and property which were in possession of the government when it eanie into my hands. But if, 
as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the l.'uit -i Sintc-s authority from these 
places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to 
repossess i(, if I can, like places which had been seized before the government was devolved upon 
me; and in anv event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true 
llinl Fort Sumter has ken assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States mails 
to lie withdrawn from all the states wrd'h claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement 
of actual war against the government justifies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say 
that I consider the military posts and property situated within tin 1 stales which claim to hove se- 
ceded as yet belonging to t'he government of the United States as much as they did before the sup- 
posed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties 
and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country ; not meaning by this, however, that 
I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From 
the fact that I haTe quoted a part nf the inaugural address, it must not he inferred that I rcpudi 
ate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may 
be regarded as a modification. 

Proclamation of the Governor of Virginia, 
Whereas seven of the states formerly composing a part of the United States have, by authority 
of their people, solemnly resumed the powers granted by th-iu !■.('■ 1't r. I ^i.\.v~. and have framed 
a constitution and organized a government for thcmsidve-. i" »lin h tli people of those stntcs are 
yielding willing obedience, and have so notified the l'r- 'ideal ..f the United States by nil the for- 
malities incident to sueh action, and thereby become to tie fnii-'J Stale- a separate, independent, 
and foreign power; and whereas the Constitution of the United States hns invested Congress with 
the 6olc power " to declare war," and until such declaration is made the ['resident has no author- 
ity to call for an extraordinary force to wage offensive war against any foreign pnwer ; and where- 
as, on the 15th Instant, the President of the United States, in plnin violation of the Constitution, 
issued a proclamation railing for a force of seventy-five thousand men to cause the laws of the 
United States to be duly executed over a people who arc no longer a part of the Union, and in 
said proclamation threatens to exert tlii' unusual force to compel obedience to his mandates; and 
whereas the General Assembly of Virginia, by a majority approaching to entire unanimity, de- 
clared at its last session that the State of Virginia would consider such .'in exertion of force us a 
virtual declaration of war, to be resisted by all the power at the command of Virginia; and sub- 
sequently, the Convention now in session, representing the sovereignly of this state, bus reaffirmed 
in substance the same policy, with almobt equal unanimity; and whereas the Statu of Virginia 
deeply sympathizes with ihc'Southern states in the wrongs they have suffered and in the position 
they have assumed, and having made earnest elTorls poaeeahly io compose ihu differences which 
have severed the Union, and having failed in that attempt, through this unwarranted net on the 
port of the President ; and it is believed that the Influences which operate to produce this procla- 
mation against the seceded states will be brought to bear upon this commonwealth if she should 
exercise her undoubted right to resume the powers granted by her people, and it is due to the 
honor of Virginia that an improper exercise of force againsi her |>cople slmuld bo repelled; there- 
fore I, John Letcher, Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, have though I proper lo order 
all armed volunteer regiments or companies within the state fortliv, iili to hold themselves in readi- 
ness for immediate orders, and upon the reception of this proclamation to report to tho adjutant 
general of the slate their organisation and numbers, and prepare themselves for efficient service. 
Such companies as arc not armed and equipped will report [lint fact, that they may bo properly 
supplied. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto net my hand, and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to 
be affixed, this 17th day of April, 18GI, and in the eighty-fifth year or the Commonwealth, 

John Lktciiek. 

10 Ordinance of Hr'Sti'm jhismiI Iiij the Virginia C<inveiition, April 11th, 18G1. 

An Ordinance to repeal the Ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America by 
the State of Virginia, and to resume all the Rights and rowers granted under said Constitution : 



The people of Virginia, in the ratification of the Constitution of the United States of America, 
adopted by them in convention, on the 25ih day of June, in tho year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-eight, having declared that tho powers granted under the said Consti- 
tution were derived from' t lie people of the United States, and might U> resumed whensoever tho 
same should bo ]*rverted to their injury and oppression, and the federal government having per- 
verted said powers, not only to the injury of the people of Virginia, but to the oppression of the 
Southern slnveholding states ; . 

Now therefore . we, the '-.optc of Virginia, ■!" 'hi lare and ordain, thai the orOmnree adopted hy 
the people of this state in convention, on ibe twentv-rifih day of June, iu the year of our Lord one 
thousand seven hundred nnd cighty-eigbi, whereby the I'misim n oi ilie I nued Mates of Amer- 
ica was ratified, and all nets of the General Assembly of this state ratifying or adopting amend, 
ments to said Constitution, are hereby repealed and abrogated ; that the union between the Stnto 
of Virginia nnd the other stntcs under the Constitution aforesaid is hereby dissolved, and that tho 
State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the rights of sovereignty which belong 
and appertain to a free and independent state. And they do farther de. Lire that said Constitu- 
tion of the United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of this state. 

This ordinance shnll lake effect and he an net of this day, when ratified by a majority of the 
votes of the people of this state, cast at a poll to he taken thereon, on the fourth Thursday in May 
next, in pursuance of a schedule hereafter to be enacted. 

Done in convention, in the ciiv of Richmond, on the seventeenth day of April, in ilie year of onr 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and in tho eighty-fifth year of the Commonwealth 

A true copy. 



n Ordim 



Jko. L. Eobank, Secretary of Conventio 
n a/ the 



Conrcntio 
The Comma 



pawed by the Virginia Oonvtntionjbr the adaption of the Com 
visional Government of the Confederate States of America. 
We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, in convention assembled, solemnly impressed by tho 
perils which surround the commonwealth, and appealing to the Seareb.-r of hearts for the recti- 
tude of our intentions in assuming the grave responsibility of this act, do by this ordinance adopt 
and ratify the Constitution of the provisional government of the Confederate States of America, 
ordained nnd established at Montgomery, Alabama, on the eighth day of February, eighteen hund- 
red and sixty-one; provided that this ordinance slmll cease to have any legal operation or effect 
if the people of this commonwealth, upon the vote directed to be taken ,,n the Ordinance of Seces- 
sion passed by this Convention on the seventeenth day of April, eighteen hundred nnd sixty-one, 
shall reject tho same. 

A truo copy. J" ' L - Eddank, Secretary. 

i between the Commonwealth of Virginia and the Confederate States of America. 
nwealth of Virginia, looking to a speedy union of snid commonwealth and the other 
h the Confederate States of America, according to tlm provisions of the Constitution 

in.'il government of said suites, enters inlo ilie following temporary convention nnd 

4 n ;i i 1 'tao- fir r 1 ■ - - purpnuo of meeting pressing exigencies affecting the common 
•, nnd safety of said tommonweahb and said confederacy. 

ii „ ,.( « a id commonwealth with said confederacy shall he perfected, nnd said 

i -hall b. ' Mine a member of said i otil'edcracy, according to ibe constitutions of both 

nle niflltttn I m i tod coffl tn pat Min n a , orransivo and defensive, of said common- 

i unloading 'i onrlict with the United States, shall be under the chief control nnd dl- 
> of. di rate States, upon (lie same principles, bnsis, and footing as 
and donog ibe intervnl, a member of said confederacy. 

2. Tho commonwealth of Virginia will, after the .ohm. munition of the union contemplated in 
this convention, and her adoption of the Constitution for a permanent government ol the said Con- 
federate Slates, and she shall become n nicnitur of -aid confederacy under said permanent Consti- 
tution, if the same occur, turn over to the said Confederate States nil the public property, naval 
stores and munitions of war, etc., sho may then be in possession of, acquired from the United 
States, on the same terms and in liko manner as the other states of snid confederacy have done in 

3. Whatever expenditures of money, if any, said Commonwealth of Virginia shall make before 
the union, under the provisional government as above contemplated, shall be consummated, shall 
be met and provided for by snid Coiifcderntc States. 

This convention entered into and agreed to, in ibe city of Richmond, Virginia, on tho twenty- 
fourth day of April, 18GI, by Alexander II, Stephens, the dulv authorizrd cnumis-ioncr to act in 
the mutter for the said Confederate Slates, and John Tvler.Wm. Ballard lVstoii, Sntnncl M'D. 
Moore, James V. Ilolrombe, James C. Bruce, and Lewis B. Harvic, panics duly authorized to act 
in like manner for said Commonwealth of Virginia, the whole subject to the approval and ratifi- 
cation of Ilie proper authorities of both governments respectively. 
In testimony whereof the parties aforesaid havo hereto sot th 
year aforesaid, und nt tho place aforesaid, in duplicate originals. 
Alexanukti II. Stkvii " 
John Tti.kii, 
Wm. Ballam> Puebton, 
S. M'D. Moohb, 
Jahes p. HoLCOiins, 
Jasibh C. BnuOBj 

LhWIH 11. llAltVlB, 

Approved and ratified by the Convention uf Virgini 
Jrio. L, Euiiakh, Secretary. 



t their hnnds nnd senls, tho day and 
..„...nls. 

;, Commissioner for Confederate States. 

Commissioners for Virginin. 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 




18lil.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



81 




points of attraction there bad grown up a manufacturing town of between 
nine and ten thousand inhabitants, which was connected with the Maryland 
shore by a bridge nine hundred feet in length, the alternate possession 
and abandonment, destruction and rebuilding of which played a promi- 
nent part in the approaching war. The commanding position of the place, 
and the great value of the arms and the fouuderies there, made it one 
of the most important internal military posts of the United States. It was 
at this time held by Lieutenant Roger Jones, who bad under his imme- 
diate command only a small company of about forty men. That the post 
was in danger the government well knew, but there were no means of 
re-enforcing it sufficiently ; and Lieutenant Jones had received orders that, 
in case of an attack which could not be successfully resisted, it should 
be destroyed. The peril came sooner than it was expected. But the 
commander was watchful, and he received information, on the 17th, the 
very day on which the Ordinance of Secession was passed within closed 
doors, that preparations were making at Winchester and in the surrounding 
country for an attack upon him in overwhelming force. He immediately 
prepared the work of destruction by piling the arms in heaps and surround- 
ing them with combustible matter, aud by mining the work-shops and lay- 
ing trains. He was not an hour too soon. Orders were sent down from 
Richmond on the morning of the 18th for the seizure of the place, and three 
thousand men were expected to move upon it. Owing to the suddenness 



of the call, however, only two hundred and fifty infantry assembled at the 
rendezvous, Halltown, a small village about four miles from Harper's Ferry. 
To these, however, were added a squad of Fauquier County cavalry and a 
piece of artillery ; and thus the force was more than amply strong for the pur- 
pose, even without the help of the inhabitants of the town, which it was sure 
to receive. About nine o'clock in the evening this force moved swiftly and 
silently upon the Ferry ; but they were not able to surprise its little garri- 
son. They were challenged by sentry after sentry, until they began to ap- 
prehend that more formidable preparations for resistance had been made 
than they were able to encounter, aud concluded to send in a flag of truce 
to obtain information from the townspeople. But, while the flag was on 
its way, and the officers were in consultation during the halt, a sudden flash 
broke forth in the direction of the armory, it was followed by others in 
quick succession, accompanied by explosions like the firing of heavy artil- 
lery. The cause was instantly suspected, and the cavalry, dashing into the 
village, soon returned with the information that the arsenal and the work- 
shops were blown up and on fire, and that the government troops had re- 
treated across the Potomac toward Hagerstown in Maryland. Lieutenant 
Jones had been prompt, and as thorough as circumstances permitted. With- 
in three minutes from the time of firing the trains, the arsenal and the arms 
which it contained were destroyed, and the -work-shops were all ablaze. But 
of the arms in the latter many were saved by the insurgents after they had 
put out the fire. Their way lit by the conflagration which they had kin- 
dled, Lieutenant Jones and his little band fled across the Potomac bridge, 
pursued by a threatening mob, which, however, they easily kept at bay, and, 
pushing on through the night, arrived, weary and footsore, at Carlisle Bar- 
racks, in Pennsylvania, the next afternoon, with the loss of only four men 
by desertion and straggling. Mr. Jones's faithfulness and his success won 
him commendation and a captaincy. But in what a situation was that coun- 
try which esteemed itself fortunate in the escape of its soldiers with their 
lives from an important post, and the destruction of one of its most consid- 
erable arsenals and armories, filled with arms and implements which never 
could have been more needed 1 

To the loss of Harper's Ferry there was immediately added another of 
far more consequence, that of the great naval station at Portsmouth, which 
lies upon the Elizabeth River, eight miles from the noble harbor of Hamp- 
ton Roads. The great capacity of this harbor, its safety, and its easy access 
to ships of the deepest draught, had early pointed it out as the most desira- 
ble place south of New York for the naval purposes to which it was appro- 
priated. It was filled with the maritime and military wealth of the nation, 
and within its limits were the most extensive and complete array of shops, 
founderies, ship-yards, mills, and docks in the country ; among them a dry 
dock of granite, built at an enormous cost, and capable of the largest vessels. 
Lying at the navy yard, which was at Gosport, a little suburb of the little 




HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR, 



[1861. 




town of Portsmouth, which, with the neighboring city of Norfolk, contain- 
ing only about fourteen thousand inhabitants, were literally kept from de- 
cay and death by the business thrown into their hands by the government, 
were twelve vessels of war of various sizes, from the Pennsylvania, four- 
decker, of 120 guns, to the brig Dolphin of 4. Most of them were of large 
size ; and although all were more or less in need of repairs, or were not 
quite completed, only one was unfit for service. Among them was the 
sloop-of-war Cumberland, Captain Pendergrast, which was in commission as 
the flag-ship of the home squadron, and the Merrimac, a noble steam frig- 
ate of 40 guns, which was launched at Charlestown, Massachusetts, in 1855, 
and which, in a voyage over the world, had won universal admiration by 
her union of speed, power, and weight of metal. Both the Cumberland and 
the Merrimac were destined to play, as antagonists, a striking part in the 
coming war; the latter by affording the first example of a new system of 
naval warfare ; the former by a devotion to the flag and a stubborn resist- 
ance which threw the brightest halo of heroism over her destruction. In 
addition to these vessels there were in the yard nearly two thousand five 
hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, three hundred of which were Dahlgren 
guns. The quantity of small arms, ammunition, and other munitions of 
war in store here was immense ; and at old Fort Norfolk, which was used 
as a magazine, were three hundred thousand pounds of powder, with shot 
and loaded shell in vast amount. The ships, docks, shops, naval stores, 
arms, and ammunition at Gosport Navy Yard and its immediate depend- 
encies were worth, at a moderate valuation, thirty-five millions of dollars. 
This great prize was taken without the sacrifice of a drop of blood by the 
promptness and audacity of the insurgents, and lost by the cautions, good- 
natured scruples of the government. The place was entirely without pro- 
tection. On the land-side, its space of many acres was inclosed only by a 
low wall, easily scaled or battered down at any point; and as to the ships, 
there were not on the spot seamen enough to man a single one of them. 
Though the station and its invaluable contents were thus exposed to attack, 
of which, from the very accession of President Lincoln to power there had 
been constant apprehension, no measures, even of prevention, were taken for 
its preservation. The ever-present fear of exciting animosity and provoking 
attack, the never-dying hope that some way, whicb no one could point out, 
would be found of maintaining the national authority, without asserting it 
by force, and of restoring the Union to its normal condition with the con- 
sent of all its parts, prevented any attempt to retain Portsmouth and the 
navy yard securely in the hands of the government. This was openly 
avowed by a member of President Lincoln's administration, of whose loyal- 
ty, and of the faithfulness of whose intentions, there can not be the slightest 
doubt. Secretary Welles, in bis report to the President, submitted to Con- 
gress in the following July, says : " Any attempt to withdraw the ships, or 
either of them, without a crew, would, in the then sensitive and disturbed 
condition of the public mind, have betrayed alarm and distrust, and been 
likely to cause difficulty." 

In this timid and hesitating policy thirty-seven priceless days were pass- 
ed ; and when, at last, in the words of the same officer, he became " appre- 
hensive that action might be necessary," the action taken was of little more 



effect than the inaction which it followed. Commodore M'Cauley, who was 
in command of the yard, was directed to use " extreme vigilance and circum- 
spection ;" but this vigilance and circumspection seem, by the terms of the 
order, whicb was dated April 10th, to have been quite as much addressed to 
the avoidance of offense to the disloyal as to the preservation of the nation's 
property and the maintenance of the authority of the government-. He was 
directed " to put the shipping and public property in condition to be moved 
and placed beyond danger, but in doing this he was warned to take no 
steps that could give needless alarm." What a warning, to be solemnly ad- 
dressed by the representative of the government of a great nation to one of 
its most important officers in such a crisis of its affairs 1 As at Charleston, so 
here at Portsmouth. Could the Star of the West, with her re-enforcements 
and supplies for Fort Sumter, have been promptly sent to Major Anderson, 
convoyed by the steam frigate Brooklyn, or some other sufficient naval force, 
with orders to demolish any battery that fired a gun upon the national flag, 
the revolt would almost surely have been crushed in its very birth. Strange, 
incomprehensible, that after the lesson in that quarter, and after the insur- 
rection had made headway by audacity on the one side and hesitation on 
the other, it was not seen that the way to save Portsmouth and its depend-' 
encies was not to deal tenderly with disaffection, and avoid giving needless 
alarm, but to lay a frigate or two opposite the place, with orders to open fire 
with shot and shell upon the first attempt at violence! But matters went 
on in the same old timid way. At last the engines of the Merrimac were 
reported ready for use, and Commodore M'Cauley received orders from 
Washington to lose no time in getting her armament on board, in loading 
her, the Plymouth, the Dolphin, and the Germantown with the more valua- 
ble ordnance and other public property, and in putting these vessels in a 
position to be moved at any moment out of danger. The Cumberland, well 
manned and fully equipped, was placed in a position to command Ports- 
mouth, the navy yard, and Norfolk ; and orders were issued to repel by force 
all attempts to seize vessels or any other property, by whomsoever made, or 
under whatever pretense of authority. Thus, at the very last moment, the 
government took the measures it should have taken thirty days before. At 
the last — at the very last ; for this was not done until the 17th of April, the 
day on which the Ordinance of Secession was passed in secret conclave at 
Richmond. Yet it might not have been quite too late but for another ex- 
hibition of that blind confidence on the one side, and that personal faithless- 
ness on the other, which, in the beginning of this rebellion, brought defeat 
to the government and dishonorable success to the insurgents. 

A large number of the officers under Commodore M'Cauley's command 
were from slave states — many of them from Virginia. He was betrayed 
into trusting the loyalty, and, what is more, the personal good faith of these 
men. They were good officers, and ho could not believe that they would at 
once prove false to the country and the flag of which they were the sworn 
defenders ; he could not insult them and degrade his own profession by act- 
ing upon the supposition that a whole body of men would remain in a serv- 
ice in which they had grown up only just so long as they could use their 
positions for the purpose of deceiving him and betraying their trust ; he felt 
bound to bclicvo that if they meant to abandon the old flag they would do 



1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



83 



so at once, and openly like men, and that, like men of honor, they would sed- 
ulously avoid an ambiguous position, which made them masters of the se- 
crets, and gave them measurable control over the affairs of a government 
against which, while wearing its uniform and receiving its pay, they intend- 
ed to fight when the time arrived. But they were not content with leaving 
him to these conclusions, so natural to an officer and a gentleman. They 
went to him with frequent professions of loyalty upon their lips, saying at 
one time, " You have no Pensacola officers here, commodore ; we'll never de- 
sert you ; we will stand by you to the last, even to the death." 3 Yet these 
words were only uttered to lure him into fatal security, as we shall see in 
the sequel. 

The people of Norfolk, true to the feeling which, according to their own 
journal, required the removal of the bodies of the Northern physicians who 
died while ministering to them in the time of pestilence, 3 were among the 
earliest and bitterest of the secessionists in Eastern Virginia. Their streets 
were filled with murmuring and threatening. They paraded their militia 
companies, and openly declared that if the government attempted to remove 
any of the ships or the munitions of war, or the commander of the yard 
made any preparations to defend it, they would attack it instantly. The 
unreasonableness of such a threat might be a just subject of remark, were it 
not that the men who made it were thinking and acting far outside the pale 
of reason. On the night of tbe lfjth of April a baud of these people seized 
two light-ships and sunk them in the shallowest part of the entrance to the 
harbor. On the next day, it will be remembered, the very day on which 
the secret but discreetly disseminated Ordinance of Secession was passed, the 
Merrimac was ready to go to sea; but Mr. Ishcrwood, the engineer-in -chief, 
who had been sent expressly from Washington to expedite her prepara- 
tions, was surprised at receiving the order from Commodore M'Cauley not to 
get up steam until the day after. On that day the fires were lighted, and 
again the commodore spoke doubtfully about sending the vessel out, and or- 
dered a de-lay of a few hours. A remonstrance from the eugineer-in-cbief, 
who directed the commodore's attention to the urgent orders of the Navy 
Department, and the probability that the obstructions in the channel would 
be increased during the night, elicited only a tardy announcement that the 
Merrimac would not go to sea that day, and an order to draw the fires; 
whereupon the engineer started post-haste for Washington. Commodore 
M'Cauley appears, by his own admission, to have allowed his junior officers 
to persuade him that still farther delay would be most prudent. On the 
very morning, the 18th, when he issued the fatal order of procrastination, 
all of those officers who were from slave states, with one or two honorable 
exceptions, resigned their commissions ; the greater part of the workmen of 
the yard absented themselves from duty; General Taliaferro, of Virginia, 
arrived at Norfolk to take command of the military forces there, and Com- 
modore M'Cauley's eyes at last were opened. But they were opened only 
to see his imminent peril and his utter helplessness ; to see that he could 
not save, but only destroy; and to the work of destruction he at once ad- 
dressed himself. He ordered all the guns to be spiked — an enormous task. 
It was but partly performed ; and of the pieces which were spiked, only a 
few were permanently injured. The 19th passed in this and like futile ef- 
forts to destroy the property which tbe commodore had concluded to aban- 
don. On the 20th the tumult outside the yard rose yet higher, and at 
twelve o'clock an officer was sent out bearing a flag of truce. He was taken 
to General Taliaferro's quarters, where a consultation was held, the result 
of which was renewed humiliation and disgrace to the national government. 
Commodore M'Cauley promised that none of the vessels should be taken 
from the yard, or a shot fired except in self-defense. But again he decided 
to destroy what he could not remove, and he gave orders— the last which 
he issued as commander of the yard — to scuttle all the vessels except the 
Cumberland. 

Meanwhile measures were taken at Washington to supersede him in his 
command; but they proved to be too late. When the engineer-in-chief re- 
ported at the Navy Department the detention of the Merrimac, the secre- 
tary saw that the error promised to be well-nigh fatal. Captain Paulding 
was immediately dispatched to Portsmouth with the powerful steam frigate 
Pawnee, on which were placed one hundred marines in addition to her reg- 
ular crew, and three hundred and fifty Massachusetts volunteers, under com- 
mand of Colonel Wardrop, who were taken on board at Fortress Monroe. 
With this force Captain Paulding arrived at Portsmouth on the evening of 
the 20lh, under instructions to take command of all the vessels at that sta- 
tion, to repel force by force, and prevent the ships and other property, at all 
hazards, from falling into the hands of tbe insurgents — most fitting orders, 
but, like all others issued by the government since the breaking out of the 
insurrection (except those in reference to Washington and Fort Pickens), 
withheld until they were of no avail ; for Captain Paulding arrived at Ports- 
mouth only in time to see the scuttled ships settling down into the water, and 
to witness Commodore M'Cauley's helpless condition before the now over- 
whelming and partly organized force of the insurgents. What might have 
been accomplished with the Cumberland, the Pawnee, and the troops in the 
latter, under such circumstances, we can not, perhaps, rightly judge. It 
seems, indeed, as if such a force, promptly and vigorously used against a 
body of men, however large, who were unprotected by works of any kind, 
and who had little artillery, and that not in position, would have held them 
completely at bay, and, if necessary, dispersed them with great slaughter, 
and with the destruction of the towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth. But 
such an exertion of the strength of the government, it Bcems, was not to be 



* Sec the Reply of Commodore M'Cauloy to the censure of tbo CongrculoMl Commi 
kancd in the National Ittfdlujcnur , May 5, 1802. 



Sec Introduction, page 14. 



put forth ; and Captain Paulding used the large discretionary powers with 
which he was clothed only to make as thorough as possible the destruction 
which Commodore M'Cauley had begun. He detailed one hundred men to 
render the heavy ordnance unserviceable by knocking off the trunnions ; but 
they worked for an hour with the heaviest sledges, and produced no effect. 
The dry dock, the pride of the station, was mined; combustibles were scat- 
tered through the scuttled ships, the ship-houses, and barracks, and trains 
were laid through them, so that they might all be fired at once. It was 
two o'clock at night before all was reported ready, when all the force, ex- 
cept the few who were to light tbe trains, took ship on the Pawnee and the 
Cumberland. At four o'clock the former took the latter in tow and stood 
down the harbor; and at half past four, a rocket from the Pawnee gave the 
signal, and in a few minutes Gosport Navy Yard was all ablaze. The con- 
flagration was an awful one, as may be easily imagined. By its terrible 
splendor the country was lit up for miles around; and the roar of the 
flames, as they devoured the work of years and the wealth of a nation, was 
heard with horror far and wide. The burning of the great four-decker 
Pennsylvania, the largest ship afloat, was in itself a spectacle of destructive 
grandeur worthy of mention in the naval annals of the republic, of whose 
fate her disastrous end might, to superstitious minds, have seemed an omen, 
enhanced as its effect was by the solemn booming of her heavy guns, as the 
fire reached them, at brief intervals. 

While this ruin was going on, its huge proportions and its appalling means 
made it seem far more destructive than it really was; for when the flames 
had subsided, and tbe excited people, to baffle whom they were lighted, rush- 
ed into the yard, and began to save what could be saved, it was found that 
little harm was done except to the ship-houses and to the ships, all of which 
that were sea-worthy might have been removed from the harbor within the 
forty-eight hours previous; and even of these, two, the Plymouth and the 
Merrimac, were afterward raised and made serviceable. But the dry dock, 
all the various founderies and shops, the ordnance buildings, the tools, pro- 
visions, and officers' quarters, were but little injured, and were almost imme- 
diately put in use for the manufacture of arms, shot, and shell, and all the 
other military and naval purposes to which such a large establishment was 
adapted. Fort Norfolk, with its immense stores of powder, was taken with- 
out resistance. From the whole North there went up a cry of mingled grief 
and wrath at this great loss. The importance of the station for the naval 
purposes of the government in the coming struggle, and, no less, of the James 
River, the control of which was by this event virtually lost as an avenue of 
approach to the interior, and the immense value of the ships and stores 
which had been destroyed or given up, were instantly appreciated by the 
country. But the real significance of the capture was in the enormous quan- 
tity of heavy ordnance, which was not only lost by the government, but 
gained by the rebels. A capture of any thing like its importance in this re- 
spect is not recorded in history. As far as regarded heavy artillery, it vir- 
tually amounted to the disarming of one side and the arming of the other ; 
and, combined with the various seizures which have already been enumer- 
ated, it chiefly contributed to produce the result, as we shall see, of an in- 
comparable superiority in arms, on the part of the insurgents, upon the be- 
ginning of actual hostilities. We are not left without their own testimony 
upon this point. Mr. Peters, a commissioner of the State of Virginia, ap- 
pointed to take an inventory of the property thus abandoned by the United 
States and seized by the insurgents, says, in a report published in the Rick' 
mond Enquirer of February 4th, 1862 : " I had purposed some remarks upon 
the vast importance to Virginia, and to the entire South, of the timely acqui- 
sition of this extensive naval de'pot, with its immense supplies of munitions 
of war, and to notice briefly the damaging effects of its loss to the govern- 
ment at Washington; but I deem it unnecessary, since the presence at al- 
most every exposed point on the whole Southern coast, and at numerous in- 
land intrenched camps in the several states, of heavy pieces of ordnance, 
with their equipments and fixed ammunition, all supplied from this estab- 
lishment, fully attests the one, while the unwillingness of the enemy to at- 
tempt demonstrations at any point, from which he is obviously deterred by 
the knowledge of its well-fortified condition, abundantly proves the other, 
especially when it is considered that both be and wc arc wholly indebted for 
our means of resistance to his loss and our acquisition of the Gosport Navy 
Yard."* 

Within forty-eight hours after Commodore M'Cauley's agreement with 
General Taliaferro, troops from Virginia and from Georgia, to the number of 
a thousand men, with fourteen pieces of rifled cannon, had been added to the 
force already at Portsmouth and Norfolk, and the hull of the old frigate 
United States had been sunk in the narrowest part of the entrance to the 
harbor, within easy range of Forts Calhoun and Monroe, which guard the 
approach; and thus the insurgents were placed in complete possession of 
this important station, where they remained unmolested many months, while 
they successfully planned and executed enterprises which had an important 
influence upon the progress of the war. 



Leaving tbe rebels now virtually masters of the Gulf states and the east- 
ern Blopes of the Alleghanies south of the Potomac, we must Took north- 
ward upon scenes not less exciting and far more encouraging to those whose 
interest was bound up in the fortunes of the great republic. We have seen 



* The authority for tills account of the destruction of Harper's Ferry nnd the Portsmouth Navy 
Yard will ho found in the. Rialimond nnd Now York newspapers of the dny, in the- Virginia cor- 
respondence of Harper*' Wrekli/ of May 11th, 1HUI, in the Report of the Select Committee of the 
Senate for invcstipntinc the Furls relative to the Loss of the Navy Yard, etc., submitted hy Mr. Halo, 
of New Hampshire, .April IH, 1M(!2, nnd the Reply nf Commodore M't'iuilev in the censure of the 
Congressional Committee, published in the Washington National Ihtelligaieir, Muy G, 1SG2. 



84 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



fl861. 



that among the troops vainly brought by Commodore Paulding to the de- 
fense of Portsmouth Navy Yard was part of a Massachusetts regiment, which 
be took on board at Fortress Monroe. This was on the 19th of April. The 
President's proclamation was issued only on the 15th. The presence of a 
regiment of citizen soldiers at a point five hundred miles from their homes 
in less than four days from the time when the government called for their 
services, is an event characteristic of the temper of tbe people of the North 
at this turning point of the existence of the Union. The President's war 
proclamation, and the event which called it forth, had stirred the whole 
North not only to tbe liveliest exhibition of feeling, but to prompt and vig- 
orous action. From the Atlantic shore to tbe banks of the Mississippi there 
was a generous rivalry of effort for the triumph of tbe republic over those 
who sought its destruction. Tbe state authorities, the town councils, the pub- 
lic moneyed institutions, all addressed themselves to the task of providing 
men and money for the great emergency. Citizens formed themselves into 
Union, relief, and vigilance committees. Money was subscribed on all sides 
with a free baud, and volunteers came forward in eager throngs. Within a 
fortnight of tbe bombardment of Fort Sumter over thirty millions of dollars 
bad been given at the North as a free gift in aid of tbe war from various 
quarters, public and private. New York was asked for 17,000 men for three 
months ; tbe Legislature authorized 30,000 for two years, and a war loan 
of $3,000,000. Pennsylvania and Ohio each appropriated an equal sum. 
The city of New York alone voted $1,000,000 for the same purpose, and the 
sum was instantly advanced by the banks. Tbe spirit of New York was 
but the spirit of the country. The West was not behind tbe East. The 
state of Indiana voted a million dollars ; and Maine, Vermont, and New Jer- 
sey did tbe same. Foremost among tbe vast multitude which tbus sprang 
forward to tbe support of the national cause and the principles of consti- 
tutional liberty were the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
The proclamation had found her citizens and her authorities not unpre- 
pared. The inevitable conflict had been more clearly foreseen there than 
in any other part of the country north of the Potomac; and it was looked 
for with the inflexible determination to meet it without swerving or hesita- 
tion. Aside from the patriotism, the diffused intelligence, and tbe hatred 
of slavery for which the people of Massachusetts had been distinguished 
from the earliest days of colonial history, there were particular reasons for 
their ardor and alacrity at this crisis; for the insurrection bad broken out 
and was for a long time openly sustained only in South Carolina; and from 
South Carolina Massachusetts had twice received insult and outrage: first, 
when, on sending, in 1844, by vote of her Legislature, Judge Hoar, of her 
Supreme Court, as a commissioner to Charleston, to make respectful in- 
quiry as to the reasons for imprisoning certain of her negro residents on 
their arrival at that port in ships, for the purpose of testing tbe constitu- 
tional right of such action before tbe Supreme Court of tbe United States, 
her representative was not even allowed to state tbe object of his mission, 
and, though accompanied by bis daughter, was driven out of the city with 
threats of violence if he ventured to remain ; next, when, in 1855, Pres- 
ton Brooks, member of the House of Representatives from South Carolina, 
aided and abetted by his colleague, Lawrence Keitt, attacked in the Senate 
Chamber, and beat senseless Charles Sumner, senator from Massachusetts. 
These injuries had ever rankled deeply in the breasts of Massachusetts men ; 
and now, upon this great and fit occasion, the long-smothered flames of a 
righteous vengeance — if righteous other than almighty vengeance can ever 
be — burst forth on all sides with a fury which had been for years accumu- 
lating. To confound for a moment tbe feeling which thus exhibited itself 
with personal hatred and vindictiveness would be to degrade that whicli 
was high and almost holy. It was wrath, but wrath tbe spring of which was 
not self, but country : it was no petty personal resentment of an affront of- 
fered to the citizen in his representative, but a vindication of the dignity 
of an ancient and honorable commonwealth ; not even the mere execution 
of retributive justice, but the burning desire of the most intelligent and right- 
minded body of freemen in the world to crush forever a power which they 
bad had peculiar reason to feel was animated by a deadly and an undying 
hatred to liberty and the vital principles of Christianity, and bent on waging 
savage and remorseless war upon them and their advocates and supporters 
when they opposed its perpetuation and aggrandizement. And this senti- 
ment, hard-tempered in the flow of thoughtful years, was whetted to a keen- 
edged purpose by the stern spirit of the old Puritanism, the intolerance of 
which had not yet been quite weeded from the soil to which it bad been so 
early transplanted, where it had taken such firm root and grown with such a 
hardy growth. Always earnest, always devoted to the cause of freedom, and 
the prosperity and glory of the republic, and thus goaded by the memory 
of wrongs received at the hands of the men who were now in arms for the 
dismemberment of the Union and tbe destruction of its government, Mas- 
sachusetts moved more promptly to tbe rescue than any other state. With- 
in eighteen hours after the receipt of orders, the sixth regiment of her militia, 
Colonel Edward F. Jones, was on its way, 700 strong, from its head-quarters 
at Lowell, to Boston. Early on the morning of the 18th of April, only three 
days after the President's call for troops, it passed through New York on its 
way to Washington, and its march along the streets of the great commercial 
capital was one continued scene of enthusiastic welcome, congratulation, and 
encouragement. Tbus, on the very first occasion, the confident predictions 
of the partisans of slavery that the people of the Middle States, and particu- 
larly those of the city of New York, would never permit the passage over 
their soil of troops going southward to crush a revolt in tbe slave states, 
were falsified, and in a manner which must have added to the surprise of the 
prophets a now clearer and surer foresight of the nature of the revolt which 
they had set on foot. The Sixth Massachusetts has tbe honor of being the 



first regiment which mustered and marched to tbe defense of the capital; 
but its promptness was so successfully emulated throughout that old com- 
monwealth that, in less than one week from the day on which the requisition 
of the Secretary of War, which accompanied the proclamation, was received 
by telegraph, the full quota of troops assigned to tbe state was either in For- 
tress Monroe or on the way to Washington. 5 Tbus it happened that within 
five days of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, Commodore Paulding could 
steam into Portsmouth Harbor with a regiment of Massachusetts men ready 
to defend the navy yard. 

All the Massachusetts troops, however, were not to reach their destination 
so quickly or so safely. The regiment first to report for duty, aud which 
we have seen marching through tbe city of New York amid the cheers of 
its inhabitants, was destined to meet a bloody check in Baltimore. Passing 
through Philadelphia, where it was received with welcome, and quickly dis- 
patched, by railway, with God-speed, it crossed, in the night, to stormier for- 
tune, the boundary which separated slavery from freedom, and arrived at 
the Baltimore station on the morning of the 19th. As, upon the expected 
arrival of Mr. Lincoln himself upon bis way to the capital, riotous conduct 
was apprehended by the authorities of Baltimore, so, for like reasons, upon 
this occasion it was feared that the presence of Northern troops, and partic- 
ularly of a part of the militia of that state which was justly regarded as the 
leader in the anti-slavery movement, would excite feelings of antagonism, 
which would break forth in violence. I have before observed that tbe ma- 
jority of the people in Maryland, and particularly of those in Baltimore, 
were unswerving in their loyalty to tbe Constitution and the government 
of the republic — a condition of public feeling in a slave state, which is to 
be attributed less to the geographical position of this one than to the system 
of popular education, which, as the reader of the Introduction to this history 
will remember, distinguished Maryland from the other states of like social and 
political organization. But still the large number of slaves held there, and 
the close relations of the people with those of the farther South, produced a 
division of sentiment so strong that the governor was obliged to recognize it 
in the proclamation which he issued upon the President's call for troops, and 
tbe mayor of Baltimore, also, in one which he issued, earnestly invoking all 
the inhabitants of that city to refrain from every act leading to outbreak or 
violence, and to render prompt assistance to tbe public authorities in their 
efforts to preserve the peace. 6 And here again, as always, the partisans of 
aggressive slavery were active, loud-mouthed, violent, while those who own- 
ed a supreme devotion to the republic were almost without exception quiet, 
orderly, unassuming people, who concerned themselves about their own af- 
fairs, and gave to social intercourse and intellectual culture the time which 
the others devoted to political intrigue and agitation, or to the coarser di- 
versions of low life in a great city notorious throughout the country for the 
almost exceptional license and lawlessness of a certain part of its inhabitants, 
who might almost be classed with the dangerous clement in the populations 
of London and Paris. 

Upon the arrival of the long train containing the Massachusetts regiment 
and some other troops, which was at about ten o'clock in the morning, a 
threatening crowd quickly gathered around the station. It grew apace, and 
was plainly bent on mischief. Tbe troops remained in the cars ; and, could 
an engine have been at once attached to tbe train, they might have pass- 
ed on unmolested; but a city ordinance required that, within certaiu lim- 
its, the cars should be drawn through the streets by horses, which of course 
separated them from each otber; and of this separation and slow move- 
ment the mob were quick to take advantage. Threats and curses had 
been heaped upon the militia from their first appearance; but words were 
soon accompanied by deeds. The horses were seized, impediments were 
thrown upon the track, and at last the cars were pelted with paving-stones. 
The police, though in considerable force, were either in such insufficient 
numbers or so lukewarm in their duty (perhaps both conditions may be 
assumed) that the riot met no check ; but the drivers whipped up their 
horses — the momentum of tbe cars was too great for the crowd to withstand 
— and in this manner nine of the eleven cars occupied by the Massachusetts 
regiment pushed through, and escaped with their freight of quiet, unresist- 
ing soldiers. But the mob increased in activity and daring as well as in 
numbers; some heavy anchors near by were dragged up and thrown across 
the track; and the movement of the last two cars, which contained four com- 
panies, became so difficult, and their situation so dangerous, that it was de- 
termined that the men should alight and march to the Washington station. 
Tbey filed out of the cars and formed amid bowls of defiance and derision, 
mingled with cheers for tbe South, for Jefferson Davis, for South Carolina 
and Secession, and groans for Massachusetts and the President of the United 
States, under the name of Abe Lincoln. The colonel of the regiment was 
with the companies in the advance; and the officers of those thus left be- 
hind, holding a hurried consultation, devolved the command of their detach- 
ment upon Captain Albert S. Folhmsbce, of Lowell. He wheeled his men 
into column, and began the march in close order. Stones, bricks, and ev- 
ery missile at band soon flew thick and fast, and men armed with pistols and 
muskets began to appear in the ever-incrensing mob. To that which bad 
gathered immediately around tbe station another now was added. A large 
and tumultuous crowd, headed by the insurgent flag, rushed down the street 
in face of the troops, shouting to them to turn back, and threatening death 
to every "white nigger" of them who should attempt to reach the other sla- 
tion. But Captain Follansbcc, calling upon the police to lead tbe way, he 
and his littla band kept on their march, steady and unresisting. They had 



' MrMwnRo of Governor Amlrv*- to tlio Lcgitlntur 
• l'rocliiniutiun of Gcurgu William Broun, nnijo 



<>f hlnwaeliusotUi 
offlultimoro 1 A|»ril 17iL,I8Gl- 



1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



$6 




HAKPEE'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



gone but a short distance when their progress was retarded and their lines 
broken by a small bridge, from which the mob had torn up the planks j but 
the soldiers jumped from timber to timber, and got over, though in confusion. 
Many of them had by this time been severely hurt, and now two were struck 
down and effectually put hors de combat by missiles, which came thicker and 
faster than ever. A shot was at last fired into their ranks, and Captain Fol- 
lansbec, thinking that the assault had been borne long enough, ordered his 
men to cap their pieces and defend themselves. The order was instantly 
obeyed, and with deadly effect; but the fire was returned from guns and pis- 
tols as well as with paving-stones. The Mayor of Baltimore now placed him- 
self at the head of the little column, and endeavored to restrain the rioters by 
a bold exertion of his authority; but the protection which the municipal pow- 
er of Baltimore had often before failed to afford to its own citizens it could 
not extend to strangers under these strange circumstances. The mayor's 
efforts proved futile, his position became dangerous, and he retired baffled, 
though not dismayed. The mob had now become a vast surging mass of in- 
furiated men. Its numbers were estimated at from eight to ten thousand; 
but it has been found that in such coujectures numbers are usually exagger- 
ated to three times the truth, and this case was not at all likely to be an ex- 
ception to the rule. Yet it may be safely assumed that the Massachusetts 
men, who were little more than one hundred strong (the entire body consist- 
ed of eight hundred and sixty, rank and file), were now making their way 
through three thousand rioters. They kept together, however, in close 
ranks, opposing obedience and endurance to lawlessness and fury, wheeling 
upon their assailants and firing only when the attack became too severe to 
be borne without resistance ; and in this manner they fought their way, with 
patient valor, one mile through the raging throng to the Washington sta- 
tion. But they had not yet escaped the perils of Baltimore. They and the 
rest of the regiment which had preceded them were enabled, indeed, by the 
exertions of the police and by their own large and well-armed numbers, to 
take the Washington cars, and the train was detained for some time, in 
hopes that the mob would now disperse; but it still increased, and, as it 
dared not face the muskets of a whole regiment, it turned its energies to the 
destruction of the train. The crowd dashed off upon the track in such 
numbers that, in the words of an eyewitness, for a mile it was black with 
an excited, rushing mass. Great logs and telegraph-poles, which required a 
dozen men to move them, were now thrown upon the rails, and rocks were 
rolled down upon the track from the embankment. Attempts were made 
to tear up the rails, and a cry was raised for pickaxes and crowbars ; but 
only one or two could be found so suddenly. The police, now in large 
force, went forward and removed the obstructions, and the train, under a 
discharge of revolvers and stones, steamed slowly after; but the mob kept 
ahead of the police, continuing its destructive efforts. This dreadful scene 
covered a space of a mile and more ; and the exertions, though not the fury 
of the rioters, ceased only from physical exhaustion. At last the track was 
clear; and the citizen soldiers, who had so promptly obeyed the orders of 
the elected chief magistrate of the nation, were borne swiftly beyond reach 
of their infuriated countrymen to the defense of their common capital. 
At the same time with the Massachusetts regiment, upon the same road, 
and with the same destination, ar- 
rived ten companies of Pennsylvania 
militia. They were unarmed as well 
as ununiformed. But their helpless 
condition and their civil garb failed 
alike to protect them again6t the ex- 
cited passions of the mob. Incapa- 
ble of any effectual defense, they re- 
mained quietly in their cars, and 
were there stoned unmercifully for 
two hours. The sides of the cars 
afforded them protection ; but many 
missiles went through the windows 
and inflicted serious bruises. Some 
attempted to escape; but they were 
attacked furiously, and obliged either 
to return to the cars or seek refuge 
in neighboring houses. Afteratime, 
the police, aided, it is said, by George 
P. Kane, United States marshal of 
that district, and some bold and loy- 
al citizens, succeeded in partly quiet- 
ing the tumult, and the Philadelphia 
troops were protected from farther 
injury, but were obliged to abandon 
their journey, and return as they 
came to Philadelphia. Two cars of 
baggage and munitions, which had 
been seized by the mob, were also rescued by the police. 

In thia deplorable and disgraceful affair, by which the pro-slavery faction 
of Baltimore gained the bad distinction of spilling the first blood shed in 
the great rebellion, at least thirty-nine men, according to the most trust- 
worthy reports, were killed and wounded, in addition to the larger number 
who received unreckoned injuries more or less serious. Of the thirty-nine, 
eight rioterB, one unoffending citizen, and two soldiers were killed outright, 
and three rioters and twenty-live soldiers were wounded, one of the last mor- 
tally. The three men who thus first gave up their lives in the cause of lib- 
erty and the republic were Sumner H. Nccdbam, of Lawrence, and Addison 
0. Whitney and Luther C. Ladd, of Lowell. Their names will ever live in 




the memory of their countrymen. 7 In Massachusetts their fate and that ol 
their wounded comrades excited a profound emotion, in which grief and in- 
dignation were tempered, though not abated, by a certain pride that this no- 
ble old commonwealth had been the first to offer the blood of her citizens in 
the defense of the liberties of the country, as she had also been the first to 
make the same sacrifice in the struggle by which those liberties were won. 
By a, strange, and, it was fondly thought, a significant coincidence, it hap- 
pened that the same day of the same month saw the sacrifice on both occa- 
sions. The skirmish at Lexington in 1775 and the street-fight at Baltimore, 
eighty-six years afterward, both occurred on the 19th of April. A corre- 
spondence by telegraph immediately took place between the Governor of 
Massachusetts and the Mayor of Baltimore as to the disposition of the bodies 
of the dead Massachusetts soldiers and the care for the wounded. On both 
Bides it was touching and earnest; on both it showed state pride ; but only 
on one, the Southern, that pernicious feeling of state independence, as if the 
state were something outside of rather than within the republic, which not 
even the solemnity of the occasion could repress, and which, no less than the 
fear for the life of slavery, was the cause of the struggle the first blood in 
which had been thus ominously shed. The one put forward the passage of 
armed troops of another state over the soil of his own as a palliation of the 
onslaught, if not an excuse for it ; the other, though at the head of one of the 
oldest and most honorable commonwealths of the Union, and the one which- 
had originally possessed and exercised the nearest approach to sovereignty, 
saw in the troops which he had sent and in any state over which they pass- 
ed only the citizen soldiers and the common soil of the republic. 8 

Not in Massachusetts alone, however, did this attack upon the Massachu- 
setts militia incense the people. The whole North burned with fierce re- 
sentment. Had the spirit which then animated the inhabitants of the free 
states, and even those of Kentucky and Missouri, who did not place the in- 
terests of slavery above those of the country, continued through the war, 
that lack of vindictiveness in them, which was publicly noticed by more than 
one observer and on more than one occasion, would not have softened the 
asperities and prolonged the continuance of the struggle. 9 The very advo- 
cates of slavery and apologists of the South, who were so numerous in the 
North, were profoundly moved at this flagitious attempt to stay the peace- 
ful march of citizen soldiers through one of the United States at the com- 
mand of the chief magistrate of them all. The demand that Baltimore 
should be humbled, and, if necessary to the opening of a safe highway to 
Washington, destroyed, was on every lip. Men whose interests and whose 
family connections were not only at the South, but in South Carolina, de- 
clared that, in this respect at least, the majesty of the nation should be as- 
serted, and old black Federal cockades, exhumed from recesses where they 
had long been left in oblivion, began to appear on the breasts and hats of 
men whose blood boiled at the outrage upon the republic, but who were the 
very Gallios of slavery. Those who before sneered at the story of the at- 
tempt to assassinate Mr. Lincoln now believed it; the city which was the 
scene of the intended crime and of that actually committed was looked upon 
as an offense to the nation, and the cry, Through Baltimore or over it, went 
up over the whole Northern country. There was reason in the demand, 
and honor and justice, though not charity, in the feeling. The road to 
Washington lay through Baltimore; the people of Maryland had not even 
attempted to throw off the authority of the government at the former place ; 
and that there was any aggression in the mere passage of their fellow-citi- 
zens through their chief town upon the order of their common government 
could not be for a moment pretended. No semblance of a defense was set 
up for them, except that strong municipal pride which causes the inhabitants 
of one place to resent the assertion of authority over them by the armed 
forces of another — an excellent plea in extenuation, if it were pertinent ; but 
in this case it was entirely from the purpose. The Massachusetts men were 
in Baltimore, not to assert any authority there, not for the purpose of estab- 
lishing relations of any kind with its people; they were merely travel- 
ers; and it was so plain as to need no demonstration that the passions of 



' Tilis account of the Ballimore riot is based upon n published letter of Captain Follansbee, and 
the reports of the affair in tlic Baltimore newspapers, and In the correspondence, of those of New 
York. 

" COBBESrOSDESCE BETWEEN THE GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS AND THE MAYOR OF 



Governor Andrew to Mayor Brown. 

I pray you cause, the bodies of our Massachusetts soldiers, dead in battle, to be immediately laid 

out, preserved in ice, and tenderly scut forward by express to inc. All expenses will be paid by 

this common wealth. John A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts. 

Mayor Eroton to Governor Andreto. 

FnUlmore, April SO, 1S01, 
Tho Hot). J.ihn A An. In*, C.v.jraur .>f MiLvndiiiralta : 
Sin, — No one deplores the sad events of yesterday in this riiy more deeply ihnn myself, but they 
wcro inevitable. Our people viewed the passage of armed troopa to nnother slate through the 
streets as an invasion of our soil, and could nut be restrained. The auihoritics exerted themselves 
to the best of their ability, but with only partial success. Governor Hicks was present, and con- 
corn in all my views as to the proceedings now necessary fur our protection. When nre these 
scones to cease ? Are we lo hnvc n war of sections ? God forbid. The bodies of the Massachu- 
setts soldiers could not ho sent out to Boston, us yon requested, nil com muni cut ion between this 
city and Philadelphia by railroad, and with Hostnn by steamers, having ceased ; hut they linvo 
been placed in cemented colli ns, anil will be placed with proper funeral ceremonies in tho mauso- 
leum of Grccnmonnt Cemetery, where they shall bo retained until farther direction! nre received 
from yon. The wounded are tenderly eared fur. I appreciate yutir oiler, but Baltimore will claim 
it mi licr right to pay nil expenses incurred. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Gkci. W. Brows, Mayor of Baltimore. 

Governor A mlrao to Mayor Brown. 
To Ills Itnnor GuiTRe W. llroim, Mnyor of Ilaltlmora: 

Dkah Snt, — I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and our dead, and trust that at 
the cnrlicst moment the remains of Our fallen will return to us. I nm overwhelmed with surprise 
that a poncoful march of American eh incus over tin' highway to ihe defense of our common capital 
should be deemed aggressive to BaltimoreniiH. Through New York ihe mnreh was triumphal. 
John A. Andrkw, Gewemor of Massachusetts. 

' See particularly n speech delivered by tho Hon. Joseph lloli. in Now York, September Hd, 
lBiJl, and tho letters of the ipooial correspondent of the Loudon Timu. 



1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



87 



the mob which attacked them were excited, not by any feeling of municipal 
pride, but by sympathy with the cause the suppression of which was the ob- 
ject of their journey. The New England men were going to sustain a gov- 
ernment which the rioters hated because it had fallen under New England 
influence. Their object clearly was the obstruction of the Northern road to 
the capital until it could be seized and held by the insurgent army. 10 In this 
they were foiled by circumstances and the steadiness of the Northern troops. 
The Massachusetts militia bad escaped to Washington, the Pennsylvanians 
to Philadelphia; but the rioters did not abandon their designs. They were 
practically masters of Baltimore. Gun-shops and other stores of arms were 
broken open and pillaged. Places of business were generally closed. A 
public meeting was called for the afternoon, and the militia of the city were 
placed under arms. The preservation of public order was the professed, 
and, indeed, the actual object of these latter measures ; but so strong, and 
so apparently pervading was the animosity excited by the events of the 
day, that the municipal and state officers were obliged to seek peace and 
quiet, not by the assertion and maintenance of the local law and the rights 
of the national government, but by placing themselves at the head of the 
insurgents, and giving to their purposes the sanction of constituted authori- 
ty. This may have been a wise policy. It is by no means certain that if 
they had directly opposed the turbulent stream of excited popular feeling 
they would not have been swept away by it, or that, by yielding to and go- 
ing with it for a while, they did not acquire an influence whict enabled them 
to divert its current. And although events took place in the disturbed city 
within a few weeks, and in the state within a few months, vhicb justify the 
belief that the excitement in Baltimore was produced by the ;fforisof a com- 
paratively small, though energetic and desperate faction, the ijonclusion is not 
therefore warranted that the course of the mayor and the governor was not 
the wisest (it seems certainly to have been the most politic) that could have 
been pursued. On the afternoon of the collision the Mayor of Baltimore 
sent a telegraphic dispatch, and on the next morning, by special train, a dep- 
utation of three eminent citizens, to the President, imploring him neither to 
order nor to permit more troops to pass through the city, and assuring him 
that no more could go through without fighting their way at every step. 
Governor Hicks, whose sincere loyalty to tbe Constitution and supreme de- 
votion to the republic there is no reason to doubt, united with him in this 
request. The President replied instantly, and with tender consideration for 
the distracting position of his petitioners ; and, on the suggestion of General 
Scott, he assured them that, although troops must continue to come from the 
North to Washington, they should thenceforward march round Baltimore in- 
stead of through it, that thus the people of that city might not find rebellion 
lying in their way, but be compelled to seek it. 1 But it is sad to relate, and 
it is a most significant evidence of the condition of excitement into which 



10 Eitract/rom a Message of Mayor Brown to the City Council of Baltimore, July lOfft, lSGt. 

After recapitulating the occurrences of tlic IfJth of April last, in which he agrees with Marshal 
Kane's account of the affair published on May -1, he says: 

It is doing bare justice to say that the Board of Police, the Marshal of Police, and the men un- 
der hid command, exerted themselves bravely, cirUiomly, skillfully, anil in good faith, to preserve 
the peace and protect life. If proper notice had been given of the arrival of the troops, and of the 
number expected, the outbreak might have been preveaicd entirely; and but for the timely arrival 
of Marshal Kane with his force, as I have described, the bloodshed would have been great. The 
wounded among the troops received the best care and medical attention nt the expense of the city, 
and the bodies of the killed were carefully and respectfully returned to their friends. The facts 
which I witnessed myself, and all that I have since heard, satisfied mc that the attack was the 
result of a sudden impulse, and not of a premeditated scheme. But the ctfeet on our citizens was 
for a time uncontrollable. In the intense excitement which ensued, which lasted for many days, 
and which was shared by men of all parlies, and by our volunteer soldiers as well as citizens, it 
would have been impossible to convey mure troops from the* North through the city without a se- 
vere fight ond bloodshed. Such an occurrence woald have been futnl to the city; and, accord- 
ingly, to prevent it, the bridges on the Northern Central Itailroad, and on the Philadelphia, Wil- 
mington, and Baltimore Railroad, were, with the consent of the governor, and by my order, with 
the co-operation of iho Board of Police — except Mr. Charles D. Hinks, who was absent from the 
city — partially disabled and burned, so as lo prevent the immediate- approach of tnHips to the city, 
but with no purpose of hostility to the federal government. This net, with the motive which 
prompted it, has been reported by I he Board of Police to the Legislature .if the state, and approved 
by that body, and was also immediately communicated by me in person to the President of the 
United States and his cabinet. 

DLipatch of Secretary Cameron to Governor Hicks. 

War Depart i wilt, Wash in ft' d, April 18, 1661. 
TahU Ejcwll'ncr Thorn.!" I! Hi' t ; . 'Ijv.rn.r nt Marxian J : 
Sir,— The President is informed that threats are made and measures taken, by unlawful com- 
binations of misguided citizens of Maryland, to prevent by force the transit of United States 
troops across Maryland, on their way, pursuant to orders, for the defense of this capital. The in- 
formation is from "such sources, and in such shapes, that the President thinks it his duty to make 
it known lo you, so that all loyal and patriotic citizens of our state may be warned in time, and 
that you may be prepared to take immediate and effective measures against it. 

Such an a'tlempt could hove only the most deplorable eon-etpjenccs ; and it would be agreeable 
to the President, as it would be to yourself, that it should be prevented or overcome by the loyal 
authorities and citizens of Maryland, rather than averted by any other means. 

I am very respectfully yours, etc., Simon Caiiekon, Secretary of War. 

1 CORRESPONDENCE I1LTWKKN T 



r Hick* and Mayor Bre 



o /'resident Lincoln. 

Mnvor'a Office, Ualllmorc, April IS. 1801 
To tih E*cclkn'y tti- I'" i-l< nt of ih» foltffll Stole." : 

—A collision between the citizens and the Northern troops has taken place in Baltimore, 
is fearful. Send no more troops hero. We will endeavor to prevent all blood- 



A public meeting of citizens lias been called, and the troops or the Mate and the city have been 
ordered out to preserve the ]>cace. They will be enough, ltcspcct fully, 

Tuna. H. IIicks, Governor. 
Geo. W)t. Biiown, Mayor. 



Mayor 



0, April 10,18)1. 



To hl« F-Xfi'tl'-fvy Ok: 1'rrl'lirit •■< ihr ; VtAwA Hlntea : 

Sib,— This will be presented K> you by the lion. II. Lenox Bond, Geo. W. Dobbin, and John C. 
Brnne. Ivjp-*., who will proceed to Wojifiincloti bv mi expre-s train, at mv request, in order lo ex- 
plain fully the fearful condition of our affairs in (bis city. The people arc exasperated to the high- 
est degree by the passage of troops, and the citizens are universally decided in the opinion that no 
more troop* should !*_■ ordered to come. 

The authorities of the city did their best lo-day to protect both strangers and citizens, and to 
prevent a collision, but in vain ; and but for their grout efforts a fearful (daughter would have oc- 
curred . 

Under these circumstances, it is mv solemn duty to inform vou that it is not possible for moro 
soldiers to puss through Baltimore unless they fight their way at every step. 



the men of the pro-slavery faction were able to throw a city which, within a 
fortnight, exhibited an entire and spontaneous reaction of sentiment, that 
the authorities themselves took steps, before tbe receipt of the President's 
reply, to prevent the passage of troops from the North to the defense of 
Washington. Tbe avenues of approach to tbe capital from the north and 




east available for the transportation of troops were the Northern and Cen* 
tral Pennsylvania and the Philadelphia and Baltimore Railways. These 
crossed several deep streams within the boundaries of Maryland, and, on the 
night of tbe 19th, the bridges over them were destroyed by order of the au- 
thorities of Baltimore! 2 They also suspended the transmission of the mails 
and tbe removal of provisions from the city, and detained military stores 
and equipments belonging to tbe government sufficient for a thousand men. 3 



I therefore hope and trust, and most earnestly request, that no more troops be permitted or or- 
dered by the government to pass through the city. If they should attempt it, the responsibility for 
the bloodshed will not rest upon mc. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, Geo. Wjj. Brown, Mayor. 

I have been in Baltimore since Tuesday evening, and co-operated with Mayor Brown in his un- 
tiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and suppress the fearful outbreak as indicated 
above, and I fully concur in all that is said bj him in the above communication. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Titos. H. Hicks, Governor of Maryland. 

President Lincoln to Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown. 

Washington, April 20, 1681. 
Governor Wcta nna" Mayor Brown : 
Gentle si en, —Your letter, by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brunc, is received. I tender you both 
my sincere thanks for your effort! to keep the |>eace in the trying situation in n hich you are placed. 
For the future, troops must be brought here, but I make no point of bringing them through Balti- 

Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. Ha 
hastily said this morning, in the presence of these gentlemen," March them aroint d Baltimore, and 
not through it." 

I sincerely hope the general, on faller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and that 
you will not object to it. 

By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out 
of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to prevent this. 

Now and ever I shall do all in my [lower for peace, consistently with the maintenance of the 
government. Your obedient servant, Aurauaii Lincoln. 

The governor's agitation was not calmed, however, by the good-natured sympathy of President 
Lincoln nnd his readiness of concession. On the contrary, each day the disaflcetcd people of 
Maryland became more threatening nnd their. governor more alarmed. He now- begged that no 
more troops should be sent not only through Baltimore, hut through Maryland, while he proposed, 
with a strange disregard of ibe dignity of tin.- government to chieh be claimed to be loyal, that tbe 
English embassador at Washington should bo invited to mediate between the United States and 
its rebellious citizens! 

Executive Chamber, Annnpali-, April M, 1661. 
To hit Eicollonry A. Lincoln, t'r.-|i]rat of Itie Inlted States : 

Sir, — I feel it my duty most respectfully to advise you that no more troops be ordered or al- 
lowed to pass through Maryland, nnd that the troops now off Annapolis be sent elseiihere; nnd I 
most respectfully urge that a truce be offered hy you, so that the effusion of blood may be prevent- 
ed. I respectfully suggest that Lord Lyons lie requested to act as mediulor between the contend- 
ing parlies of our country. 

I buve the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Titos. H. HiCKs. 

' Proclamation of the Governor of Maryland. 

Frederick, May I', 1881. 
To the People of Mart/land .- 

A communication from Ibe Mayor of Baltimore to the House of Delegates, published by that 
body yesterday, is designed to implicate me in the destruction of the railroad bridges near Balti- 
more on the 19th ultimo ; this, too, in face of the fact that I had, in a recent official communica- 
tion to the Senate, positively denied any complicity in the matter. If (he mayor's communication 
and accompanying certificates have induce. I any person to doubt mv true position in the premises, 
I respectfully ask a suspension of judgment until n sufficient timo be afforded mc to collect the 
necessary proof, nnd show, as I shall bo able lo do most conclusively, that the destruction of the 
bridges was a part of the conspiracy of those acting against the government, and was known and 
proclaimed in other parts of ilic stale before the destruction was consummated. Wheiher Mayor 
Brown did or did not know of this part of the programme, I am unable lo say. I am charitable 
enough to believe that he did not know it. His peculiar surroundings, and agitated condition of 
mind nt the time referred to, may reasonably enough account for his assent to the transaction. 
But any person who knows my opinion .,f George P. Kane and Enoch L. Lowe will at onco admit 
jhat I would be very slow to assent to any proposition emanating from or endorsed by them. 
Their introduction into my clinmbor as an lata hour of the. night to urge my consent to tho per- 
petration of an unlawful act was not calculated to convince me of the propriety or necessity of that 
net, Men do not readily lake counsel of their enemies. So soon as the heuvy pressure upon my 
time shall have somewhat subsided, 1 will lay before tho public a full refutation of this nefarious 
attempt lo involve an innocent person in an unwarranted proceeding. Until that time I request 
a suspension of public opinion. Tiiouas U. Hicks. 

' Embargo tit Baltimore. 

nnlllmore, April Si, ]«1. 

II ifl ordered by the Mayor and tho Board of Police thut no provisions of any kind bo transferred 



HAMPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OP THE CIVIL "WAR. 



[1861. 



Not only were the militia of the city and tbe neighborhood kept under 
arms, but volunteers were enlisted to the number of many thousand men, 
and an attack upon Fort M'Henry, a national work three miles from the 
city, was openly threatened. Governor Hicks was swept along with the 
popular torrent, and on the 22d of April he sent an official advice to the 
President that no more troops should be allowed to pass, not only through 
Baltimore, but over the boundaries of Maryland; and to this unreasonable 
request he added the humiliating recommendation that the President should 
propose a truce to the insurgents, and ask the British minister at Washing- 
ton to act as a mediator between them and the government. This commu- 
nication was of such an extraordinary nature that the President placed it in 
the hands of the Secretary of State for formal treatment. Mr. Seward, not 
lowering the government which he represented by a refusal in terms, admin- 
istered a dignified and considerate rebuke to Governor Hicks for both his 
proposals, which it was unmistakably, though courteously, intimated could 
not even be taken into consideratiou. But the secretary gave just ground 
of complaint both to the supporters of the government and to the insurgents 
by telling Governor Hicks that tbe troops which were corning through 
Maryland were intended for no other service than the defense of Washing- 
ton.* The men themselves, and those who sent and contributed to equip 
and provision tbem, expected that they were to be used to crush the insur- 
rection ; and when, not three months after, some of those very troops crossed 
into Virginia to give battle to the rebel army, the pledge of the United States 
cabinet minister to the Maryland governor appeared to have been either un- 
authorized or violated. But the commotion and turbulence of the distract- 
ed times confused so many sober minds, and deranged so many carefully- 
laid plans, that there was excuse for far graver discrepancies than this. The 
last violent demonstrations on the part of the Baltimoreans against tbe gov- 
ernment weTe the seizure on the 2-±ih of Eelay House, a station on the Bal- 
timore and Ohio Railway, which was held by six hundred picked men and 
four field-pieces, the object being to cut off the communication of Pennsyl- 
vania with Washington by that route; and, after the removal of about 
twenty-five hundred men, chiefly Pennsylvania militia, from Cockeysville, 
a village on the Baltimore and Susquehanna Railway, seventeen miles from 
tbe former place, the destruction of all the bridges except one upon that line 




within the limits of the state. Meanwhile the carriage-roads leading from 
Baltimore were thronged with vehicles filled with households and house- 
hold goods, seeking safety in more peaceful places. 

But although Massacbu setts, by her promptitude, obtained tbe post of 
honor and of danger in these early days of the insurrection, the people of 



from the city of Baltimore to any point or place, from this time until farther order*, without spe- 
cial permission. 
The execution of this onlcr is intrusted to Colonel I. R. Trimble. 
The following order has been issued : 

It b?ing deemed necessary for the safety and protection of the city thru no steam-bom be per- 
mitted to leave our harbor without the sanction r.f the city authorities, I hereby, by Authority of the. 
Mayor and Board of Polite, direct that no steam-boat shall leave the hurW without my permit. 

I. II. Thimble, Commanding. 
* Secretory Seward to Governor /Jidis. 

Department „f State, April JJ, 1S01. 
Tohfj Excellcorr Thorna* It, lllclin, GeTaruor uf Maryland : 
Sir, — I have had the honor to receive your communication of thin moraine;, in which you in- 
form mo that you have felt it to be your duty to advice the President of tin- United States to order 
elsewhere the troops then off Annn|i'ilK and n!=o that no moru may be cent through Maryland, 
and that you have farther suggested that Lord Lynns be requested to act us mediator between the 
contending parlies in our country, to prevent the tiTu-ion of blood. 

The President dircela me to acknowled^- tin- receipt of that communication, and to assure yon 
that ho has weighed the counsels which it contains » ith the respect which he habitually cherishes 
for the chief magistrates of the several stales, and especially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply as 
nny magistrate or citizen of the country can, that demon at rations against the safety of tho United 
States, with very extensive prepuratiniH for the. effusion of blood, have made it his duty to call out 
tho force to which you allude. 

The force now sought to be brought IhrODgh Maryland is intended for nothing but tho defense 
of this capital. The President has necessarily confided the choice of tho national highway which 
thnt force shall lake in coining to thin city to the lieutenant general commanding tbe army of the 
United States, who, like his only predecessor, is not less <liaiinguishr.-il for his humanity than for 
his loyalty, patriotism, ami distinguished public servico. 

The President instructs mo to add thnt the nntional highway thus selected by tho lieutenant gen- 
eral has been chosen by him, upon eonsiikntion with prominent magistrates mid citizens of Mary- 
land, as the one which, while a route is absolutely ncee.^urv, is farthest removed from tho populous 
cities of the stale, and with tho expectation that it would, tlloreforo, DO the leant objectiotinhlo one. 
The President can not hut remember that (here ban been a limo in the history of our country 
when a general of the American Union, with force, designed for tho defense of ils' capital, was tint 
unwelcomo any where in the State of Marvlnnd, mid cwtnlnly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the 
capital of that patriotic state, mid then. nt-o, one of the cm.lln'U of tho Union. 

If eighty yearn cooW hnve obliterated nil the other nobler sentiments of that ago in Maryland, 
tho President would !•■ hopeful, mverihi !''■«, that there is one thnt would forever romnin there 
and every whore. That lontlmont is that no domestic contention whatever that may arise among 
tho parties of this republic ought in any case to bo referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all 
to the arbitrament of a European monarchy, 

I have the honor to bo. with distinguished consideration, your excellency's most obedient serv- 
ant, William II. Skwaiid, 



the other loyal states were no laggards, and those of New York strove with 
their brethren of the East in noble emulation. The annals of these days 
can not be silent upon the march of the New York Seventh Regiment, " Na- 
tional Guard," to Washington, without passing over some of their most in- 
teresting iucidents. This regiment, which for two generations had repre- 
sented, more than any other body of militia, the higher social and intellect- 
ual culture of the great commercial metropolis, had early attained and stead- 
ily preserved an equal distinction in drill and in discipline. And, unlike 
the other regiments of the same city, its service had not been entirely con- 
fined to encountering the perils of Broadway upon parade-days, between 
the Battery and Union Square. It had been called into service at the time 
of the Astor Place Eiot, on which occasion, after having distinguished itself 
for hours in the face of the mob by the preservation of discipline, and the 
patient and even good-natured endurance of injuries from showers of paving- 
stones, it had obeyed promptly the command to fire, and by three compact 
and well-delivered volleys had put an end forever to riots in New York, 
The imbecility of the city government, which needlessly allowed this dis- 
turbance to grow to such a terrible issue, could bring no reproach upon the 
body of citizen soldiers who bore the brunt of it so manfully, and ended it 
so effectually. At another time, when Fernando Wood, the same mayor of 
New York whom we have seen so ready to meet the demands of the insur- 
gents of Georgia for their arms, and to follow their example by proposing a 
secession of the city from the state, forcibly resisted the execution of the 
Metropolitan Police Law, which secured peace and order to the city and 
the surrounding district by removing its police from the influence of par- 
ty politics, this regiment exhibited its esprit de corps and its discipline by 
twice instantly facing about to meet tbe requirements of the Police Commis- 
sioners, though at the apparent loss of formal and long-prepared festivities 
in honor of the regiment by the citizens of Boston, to join in which it was 
on its march at the receipt of the order ; and such was the reliance upon 
this body of men, that although, at the time of the second order, it was in 
Boston, and there were several other regiments in New York, it was sum- 
moned by telegraph from the former city. Its reputation, like its name, was 
national, and, in fact, had extended across the ocean. The whole division, 
of which this regiment formed a part, had been placed at the service of the 
government by its major general at a time when there was yet hope that an 
appeal to arms might be avoided; and now, when the seat of the national 
government was in hourly peril, the Seventh at once stepped forward to as- 
sume a three months' service, and to go immediately on to Washington. 
The announcement that it was going begat a sort of confidence in those 
days, when, dark and gloomy though they were, the nature, the extent, and 
the duration of the coming conflict was entirely unforeseen. It was felt that 
the presence of the regiment in Washington, in support of the handful of 
regular troops assembled there, would deter any attack not more formidable 
and thoroughly organized than the insurgents were supposed to have pre- 
pared. The excited patriotic feeling of the city concentrated for the mo- 
ment upon the movements of this regiment; during the two or three days 
of preparation an eager throng surrounded its head-quarters, where recently- 
recruited members, young men of fortune and fashion, and the highest edu- 
cation, were drilling day and night to attain such proficiency as would ad- 
mit them as privates to the ranks upon the projected expedition. It was on 
the 19th of April that the Seventh set out for Washington. Its departure 
from the armory had been delayed for some hours, and meantime the news 
had come on by telegraph of the attack upon the Massachusetts men in Bal- 
timore. It flew through the city, quickening general apprehension, deepen- 
ing the general gloom, and stimulating the military ardor of the departing 
soldiers by the spur of emulation and the hope of distinction. The whole 
city seemed to pour out its population upon the line of march and the point 
of embarkation of this specially favored corps. The ranks were full, and 
more than full ; never upon a gala-day had they shown more muskets. The 
moment of departure at last arrived. Pale with suppressed excitement, the 
peace-bred soldiers heard the command which ordered them to begin theii 
march towardthe enemy ; a thousand feet with steady tread at once respond- 
ed, and the regiment moved swiftly onward. Decked in no holiday garb, but 
grimly panoplied in gray and steel, with its colonel marching at its head, its 
serried tiles wheeled into the great thoroughfare in which its fine discipline 
and soldierly bearing had so often been objects of admiring comment; and 
there a spectacle met the eye never seen before in this country, without a 
doubt never to be seen again. For the occasion gave it its peculiar charac- 
ter. Broadway had been before as crowded (for what is full can not be 
fuller), but never with a throng so animated, so admiring, so solicitous, so 
self-sacrificing. The great artery of New York life throbbed and palpitated 
throughout its length with tbe big emotions of the public heart. As the 
head of the column appeared, a shout burst forth that flashed like the fire 
of nfcu-de-jok from lip to lip along the line of march, advancing before the 
regiment and following after, and never ceasing or dying away while a 
musket remained in sight. Not a cheer, or a succession of cheers, but a 
great cry that went up continuously to heaven, and bore, up with it the un- 
speakable aspirations of the vast multitude. The sound fell strangely and 
never to be forgotten upon the ears of all within its reach, for in its tone 
there was a wild and plaintive yearning which they had never heard be- 
fore. The Seventh began its service by a march through two miles of such 
a crowd, uttering ceaseless encouragement and benediction. Thus the great 
city gave up the flower of its young men freely to tho country's cause; 
though, as their bayonets passed out of sight, they flashed the rays of tho 
setting sun-on manly eyes all dim with unaccustomed moisture. New York 
saw in after times hundreds of thousands of brave men march through her 
streets on liko errands and to bloodier business, and gave them all a hearty 



1831?] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NOKTH. 




90 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



welcome and God-speed; the Seventh itself was cheered and petted by the 
whole country through which it passed on its way to Washington ; but this 
was the first, and they were felt (though perhaps partially) to be the best; 
and neither the men who went nor the people who sent them ever knew 
again the chivalrous enthusiasm of that day, the tender, solemn rapture of 
that parting. 

It was not until six days afterward that the Guard re-ached Washington ; 
but it will be well to follow them directly to their destination, for their 
progress thither was immediately involved with some of the many signify 
caut occurrences which throng so thickly along this eventful period. They 
passed swiftly upon the railway through New Jersey, a state which has the 
reputation of being somewhat sluggish in its sympathies, and yet its people 
poured out along the track in such numbers, that one member of the regi- 
ment, who gave an account of its march, said that he "did not see a rod of 
ground without its man from dusk till dawn, from the Hudson to the Dela- 
ware." 5 Philadelphia welcomed their coming, but could not speed their part- 
ing. All communication by railway between that city and Baltimore was 
effectually cut off before they reached it on the 20tb ; and for many hours 
they trod with fretful steps the formal streets of the hospitable town, which 
was but to them a station on the road to Baltimore. At last, all other modes 
of transportation proving hopeless, a steam-boat was chartered, and they 
started for Washington by way, not of Baltimore, but of Annapolis, the old 
and drowsy capital of Maryland. Iu taking this step their colonel {Marshall 
Lefferts) followed the lead of a man whose position and peculiar talents ob- 
tained for him a singular prominence in the drama to which the events 
which have been thus far recounted were but a prelude. 

General Butler, an eminent member of the bar, and an officer of the mili- 
tia of Massachusetts, had been placed by Governor Andrew in command of 
the Massachusetts regiments which were sent as part of the contingent of 
that state, under the President's proclamation, to the relief of Washington. 
He was a Democrat of the straitest sect, an active and life-long supporter of 
the party which for years had ruled the country by its alliance with the 
slaveholders of the South. He had been a member of the presidential nom- 
inating convention which met at Charleston ; and he had given his hearty 
support, during the subsequent canvass, to Mr. Breckinridge, the candidate 
of the extreme slavery faction. But secession had opened his never very 
closely shut eyes to the policy of the men who ruled that convention, and 
he had declared at once and with the earnestness of a whole-hearted nature 
for the nation against his late political associates. In this he was a repre- 
sentative man, and his appearance in the service of the republic against the 
insurgents had for them and for the country at large a very great signifi- 
cance. It told more unmistakably, perhaps, than any other single event 
which had taken place, the supreme devotion of the people of the free states 
to the Union. The presence of such a man at the head of a brigade of Mas- 
sachusetts troops on the march to put down the slaveholders' insurrection 



1 Major Theodore Winthrop, in the Atlantic Monthly for June, 1861. 
■ General Bulkr to Governor Hicks. 

Off Annapolis, April M, 18S1. 
TU b[s Eictllc-nrv Pi .run.' IT Hirt«, Governor of Maryland ■ 

In reply to the communication from yon on the 21st, I had ehc honor to inform you of the ne- 
cessities of my command, which drew me into the harbor of Annapolis. My circumstances have 
not changed. To that communication I have received no reply. I can not return, if I desire so 
to do, without being furnished with some neee^ary supplies, for all which the money will be paid. 
I desire of your excellency an immediate reply whether I have the permission of'the state au- 
thorities of Maryland to land the men under my command, and of passing quickly through the 
■tate on my way to Washington, respecting private property and paying fur what I receive, and 
outraging the rights of none — a duty which I am bound to do in obedience to the requisitions of 
the President of the United States. 

I have received some copies of an informal correspondence between the Mayor of Baltimoro 
and the President of the Btiltimore and Ohio Railroad, and a copy of <t note from your excellency, 
inclosing the same to Captain Blake, commandant of the Naval School Thesa purport to show 
that instructions have been issued by the War Department as to the disposition of the United 
States militia, differing from what I had supposed to bo my duty. If these instructions have been 
in fact issned, it would give me great pleasure to obey them. Have I your excellency's permis- 
sion, in consideration of these exigencies of the case, "to land my men, to supply their wants, and 
to relieve them from the extreme and unhealthy confinement of a transport vessel not fitted to 
receive them ? To convince your excellency of the good faith toward the authorities of the State 
of Maryland with which I am acting, and I urn armed only against the disturbers of her peace 
ind of the United States, I inclose a copy of an order issued to my command before I had the 



was made yet the more striking by the fact that he was placed in command 
by Governor Andrew, who was prominent among the extreme, or, so-called, 
radical Republicans. 

The news of the attack upon one detachment of his command flying north- 
ward, passed General Butler at Philadelphia, where he had arrived with the 
Eighth Massachusetts regiment. With a sagacious perception and prompt 
decision, which showed at the very first step that he was a leader, he saw 
that the consequence of the attack would he the destruction of the bridges 
between Philadelphia and Baltimore, and he determined to move instantly 
upon the latter place by way of Annapolis, occupying and holding the cap- 
ital of Maryland ; thus, in the words of his dispatch upon the occasion, call- 
ing the state to account for the death of Massachusetts men, his friends and 
neighbors. On the evening of the 20th he transported his command to 
Havre de Grace, upon the Susquehanna, and, seizing upon the large and 
powerful ferry-boat Maryland, steamed down the Chesapeake. He arrived 
at Annapolis on the morning of the 21st, and found there the Governor of 
Maryland and a body of insurgents — the one powerless in the hands of the 
other. The disaffected controlled the city, held the grounds of the United 
States Naval Academy there, and were about to seize upon the school-ship 
"Old Ironsides," as the superannuated frigate Constitution, the war-worn 
victor of many fights, had, for more than a generation, been fondly named. 
General Butler at once called for mariners from his command, and enough 
stepped forward to man the old ship for the nonce. They were placed on 
board, and by their aid and that of the Maryland she was towed out into the 
stream, where her guns were shotted and trained upon the shore; hut the 
Maryland herself, with the troops stilt on board, ran aground, and remained 
fast until the next day. Meantime the New York Seventh Regiment, which 
had left Philadelphia in the steamer Boston, arrived, and was placed by its 
colonel under the command of General Butler; the Maryland was hauled 
off, and both regiments landed and took possession of the grounds of the 
Naval Academy. Against this landing of "Northern troops" upon the soil 
of Maryland Governor Hicks sent General Butler a formal protest ; but the 
latter persisted — first showing, in reply, that the necessities of his position, 
the health of the men under his command, and the instructions of his gov- 
ernment, made it imperative that he should land and march quickly through 
Maryland to Washington, respecting private property, outraging the rights 
of none, but, on the contrary, using his force, if necessary, to preserve the 
peace of Maryland as well as the authority of the national government, and 
having issued strict orders as to the drill and discipline of his soldiers, and 
congratulations upon their saving the Constitution — and the governor could 
not do otherwise than submit. It is worthy of notice that the Massachu- 
setts general administered a respectful rebuke to the Maryland governor 
for his " ill-advised designation" of the troops under the general's command. 
"They are," said he, "not Northern troops; they are a part of the whole 
militia of the United States, obeying the call of the President." 6 Thus 



honor of receiving the copy of yi 

lency will appreciate the nice cities of mypositio 



vitha 






mgh Captain Blake. I trust your excel- 
and give me an immediate reply, which I await 



I would do myself the honor to have a personal interview m it h your excellent!, if von so desire. 
I beg leave to call your excellency's attention to what I hope I may he purduned fur deeming an 
ill-advised designation of the men under my command. Th<y are not Northern troops ; they are 
apart of (he whole mi/itii of ihe I'niled States, obeying the rail oj the President, ■ 
I have the honor of being your excellency's obedient sen-ant, 

Ben J. F. Butler, Brigadier General in the Militia of the United Slates. 
P.S.— It occurs to mc that our landing on the grounds at the Naval Academy would be entire- 
ly proper, and in accordance with your excellency's wishes. B. F. B. 

Special Brigade Order, No. 87. 

Head-qonrti:r< *.■■■<■ nn.i T'ivi-jon Mi)"iK>i!i:>. it- V.'.|iin!<w MHIth.1 
on board Stenmor MiirjIiinJ, oft Annapolis, .April i'.', IBuI. j~ 
Colonel Monroe is charged with the execution of the following order: At 5 o'clock A.M. the 
troops will bo paraded by company, and be drilled in ihe manual of arms, especially in loading 
at will, firing by file, and in the use of the bayonet; and these specialties will bo observed in nil 
subsequent drills in the manual. Such drill to continue until 7 o'clock, when all the arms will be 
stacked on the upper deck, great cure being taken to instruct the men as to ihe mode of stacking 
their arms, so that a firm stack, nut easily overturned, shall be made. Being obliged to drill at 
times with the Weapons loaded, treat damage may lie done by the overturning of the stack and 
tlto dischargo of the pieces. This is important. Indeed, an accident has already occurred in iho 
regiment from this cause, and, although, slight in its consequences, yet it warns us to increased 
diligence in this regard. The purpose which could ouly be hinted nt in the orders of yesterday 




■10. Uultera- ljuaitwa.— 11. St. Jubn'i tEpltwpal) Collt^e.— 



1861. ] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



91 




sharply did tliis question define, and thus continuously present itself in the 
earlier stages of the conflict of which it was the great issue, though not the 
exciting cause. That cause I shall consider more particularly hereafter. 
But accident furnished General Butler with opportunity of showing bow far 
from his intention was the attempt to change, or even the acquiescence in 
any violent attempt to change, the relation between master and slave. An 
insurrection of the slaves around Annapolis was at the time feared, and 
General Butler offered the governor the services of his troops for its sup- 
pression, or that of any other resistance to the laws of Maryland. For tins 
offer he met with a mild though firm rebuke from his Abolitionist govern- 



has been accomplished. The frigate Consti 
at the mercy of the armed mob, which 
Deeds of daring, successful contests, and gl. 
spicuous in the naval history of the CO 
o train the future officers of the navy 



has lain for n long time at ihis port substantially 
paralyzes the otherwise loyal State of Maryland, 
victories had rendered " Old Ironsides" so eon- 

ry, that she wns fitly chosen as the school-ship iu which 

iltu heroic 



It was Riven to Massachusetts and Essex County, first to mat her; it was reserved for Massa- 
chusetts to haTo the honor to retain her for the service of the Union and the laws. 

This is a sufficient triumph of ricjht, and a sufficient triumph for us. By this the blood of our 
friends shed by the Baltimore mob is in so fur avenged. The Eighth Regimen! may hereafter 
cheer lustily on all proper occasions, lint never without orders. The old Constitution, by their 
efforts, aided untiringly by the United States officers having her in charge, is now safely "pos- 
sessed, occupied, and enjoyed" by the government of the United States, anil is safe from all her foes. 

We have been joined by the Seven tb Regiment of New York, and together wo propose penccn- 
bly, quickly, and civilly, unless opposed !>y some mob or Other disorderly persons, to march to 
Washington, in obedience to the requisition of the President of the United States. If opposed, wc 
shall march steadily forward. 

My next order I hardly know how to express. I can not assume that any of the citizen sol- 
diery of Massachusetts or New York could, under any circumstances whatever, commit any out- 
rages upon private property in n loyal and friendly stale. But, fearing thru some improper person 
may have by stealth introduced himself among us, I deem it proper to state that any unauthorized 
interference with private properly will be most signally punished, and full reparation therefore 
made to the injured party io the full extent of my power and ability. In so doing I but curry out 
the orders of the War Department. 1 should have done so will t those orders. 

Colonel Munroe will cause these orders to be read at the head i if each company heforo we march. 

Colonel Lefferts's command not having been originally included in this order, ho will be fur- 
nished with a copy for his instruction. By order of 

[Signed], B. F. Butler, Brigadier General. 

Wm. II. Clemens, Brigade Major. 
BUle of Msrytood, En-cutko Chamber, Annapolis, April 2i, IStlt. 
To DriRndter Onornt H. F. Butler: 

Sir, — I sin in receipt of your iwo communications of this date, informing me of your intention 
to land the men under your command nt Annapolis, for the purpose of marching thence to the 
city ofWashington. I content myself with protesting against this movement, which, in view of 
the excited condition or the people of this state, I can not hut consider an unwise step on tho part 
of the government. But 1 most earnestly urge upon vou that there shall bo no hnlt made by the 
troops in this city. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Til. II. Hicks. 

General Rutin to Governor Tlickt. 
llcad-qnirten Third Itr1g»4i> MauMtlOtetU VehMtNW Mllliln, Anunpoll*, Mnrylnml, April 23, 1801. 
To htf F.i eel Wiry Tin imu II. Ill.k*, lie verier .if tint Slat* of Jlnrylnn.l: 
I did myself the honor in my communion ion of yesterday, wherein I asked permission to land 
the portion of the militia of the United SIj.cs under my command, io slate that they were armed 
only against the dliturhori of the pence of tho State of Maryland and of tho United States. 

I have understood within the last hour l lint, some apprehensions were entertained of fin insur- 
rection of the negro population of this neigh Imrhood. I nm anxious to convince nil classes nf 
persons that the forces under my command are not hero in any way to Interfere with or counte- 
nance any interference wilh the laws of the slate. I am, therefore, ready to co-oporate with your 
excellency in suppressing most promptly and effectively any insurrection against the Inivs of Mary- 
tend. 

(beg, therefore, thai you announco publicly thai any portion of tho forces uodur my command 



or; but in turn he defended himself with entire success, on the grounds both 
of humanity and policy. 7 

The difficulties in the apparently simple and easy task of landing two 
thousand loyal citizens of the United States, in obedience to the command 
of the President, upon the soil of one of those states which still acknowl- 
edged its old allegiance, having been thus overcome, there remained the not 
less serious task of moving across its territory. The insurgents had torn up 
the rails of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railway, of which General Butler 
took possession, and to the repairing of which the men of the Eighth Massa- 
chusetts at once addressed themselves. Indeed, the various capacity of this 



is at your e.\celleney's disposal, to net immediately for the preservation and quietness of tho peace 
of this community. 

And I have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servant, 

B. F. Butler, General of the Third Brigade. 

Corretpondma between Governor Andrew and General Butler. 
Ccmmoaa-cultli of MuncuuMtta, Euonllva Dapartnienl, Council Clumber. Bolton, April 25, 1861. 
General, — I have received through Major Ames a dispatch transmitted from Per rrville, de- 
tailing the proceedings at Annapolis from the time of your arrival off that port until" the hour 
when Major Ames left you to return to Philadelphia. I wish to repeat the assurance of my en- 
tire satisfaction with the action you have taken, wilh a single exception. If I rightly understood 
the telegraphic dispatch, I think' that your action iu tendering to Governor Hicks the assistance 
of our Massachusetts troops to suppress a threatened senile insurrection among the hostile people 
of Maryland wns unnecessary. I hope that the fuller dispatches, which are on their way from 
you, may show reasons why I should modify my opinion concerning that particular instance; but, 
in general, I think that the matter of servile insurrection among a community in arms against the 
federal Union is no longer to be regarded by our troops in a political, but solely in a military point 
of view, and is to bo contemplated as one of the inherent weaknesses of tho enemy, from tho dis- 
astrous operations of which wo are under no obligation of a military character lo'guard them, in 
order that they may be enabled to improve tho security which our arms would afford so as to pros- 
ecute with more energy their traitorous attacks upon tho federal government and capital. Tho 
mode in which such outbreaks aro to bo considered should depend eniir.lv 117.011 tho loyalty or 
disloyalty of tho community in which they occur ; and in the vicinity of Annapolis, I can, on'lhis 
perceive no reason of military policy why a force summoned to the defense of the federal 
his moment of all others, should be offered to be diverted from its immediato duty 
to help rebels who stand with arms in their hands, obstructing its progress toward the city of Wash- 
ington. I entertain no doubt that whenever we shall have an opportunity to interchange our views 
personally on this subject, we shall arrive at entire concordance of opinion. 

Yours faithfully, John A. Andrew. 

To Iirlpullcr C.oncral Duller. 

Duportni. nt ■■< \mini" -li». II. a.l ■|.mr 1. ■<-, A mi n 1 ■■■!.-, May 9, 188.1. 
To 111* Excellency John A. Anilrew, QovoniOl and I MtHWrndsr-iB-OWtLf: 

Slit,— I have delayed replying 10 your excellency's dispatch of tho Sfilli of April in my other dis- 
patches, because, as it Involved disapprobation of an act done, couched in the kindest language, I 
supposed the interest of the country could not suffer in the delay ; and incessant labor up to tho 
present moment has prevented me giving full consideration to the topic. Temporary illness, which 
forhids bodily activity, gives me now a moment's pause. 

The telegraph, with more than usual neenmey, had rightly informed your excellency that I had 
offurcd the services of the M.i.-a. hosetts troops under my command to aid tho authorities of Ma- 
ryland in suppressing a threatened slave insurrection. Fortunately for 11s all, tho rumor of such 
nn outbreak was without substantial foundation. Assuming, as your excellency docs in vour dis- 
patch, that I was carrying on military operations in 1111 enemy's country, when n war a )'outranes 
wns to bo waged, my not might be a runner of discussion, And in [lint viow, acting in tho light 
of the Baltimore murderers, and the apparent hostile position ..f Maryland, your excellency might, 
without mature rollcclinn, have come to tho conclusion of disaj.proii.it ion expressed in your dis- 
patch. But the faeis, especially us now aided by their results, will entirely justify my act, nnd re- 
instate mo in your excellency'* uootl opinion. 

True, 1 landed on the soil of Maryland against lite formal protest of its coventor and of tho cor- 
poralo authorities of Annapolis, hut without any aimed opposition on llieir purl, and expecting 
opposition only from insurgents assembled in liu'tous cuuttjupt of the laws of tho stalo. Before, 



62 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



line body of men, which seemed to be largely composed of skilled artisans, 
was one of the noteworthy features of their march to Washington. As they 
had furnished mariners to work the Constitution, so now, upon call, macbin- 
its, engineers, and iron-workers stepped forward in great numbers. The rails 
had not only been torn up, but carried oft" and bid ; but they were unearth- 
ed, and even traced to and taken from the bottom of the river as if by in- 
stinct. The only engine to be found had been taken to pieces and partly 
destroyed, and, upon inquiry for a man who could put it in running order, 
one of the Beverly Light Guard, recognizing in a piece of the machine his 
own handiwork, promptly and successfully undertook to mend what he had 
made, some of his companions erecting, and others working, the temporary 
forges which were required. Cheerfully and thoroughly they did these tasks 
while they were starving; for, owing to some blunder or accident, few had 
eaten any thing for twenty-four, and some not for thirty hours. The Sev- 
enth found this out, and in a moment their own haversacks were opened, 
and the hungry men were filled, and furnished for the morrow. Governor 
Hicks continued to protest — this time against the occupation of the railway, 
on the ground that by this act the members of the Legislature, winch was 
about to meet at Annapolis, would be prevented from reaching the seat of 
government. But this plea General Butler extinguished by reminding the 
governor that he himself had objected to the landing of the troops on the 
ground that, as the railway -was hopelessly destroyed, they could not leave 
the city by it, and demurely pointing out that, if the troops could not pass 
one way, the Legislature could not pass the other; adding, with an irony all 
the keener because its edge was fact, that he only sought means of trans- 
portation that be might vacate the capital, and not encumber that " beautiful 
city" during the session of the Legislature. 8 

The railway repaired, and the engines and cars sufficient for the sick, the 
small howitzer battery of the Seventh, and the baggage, put in running or- 
der, the march to Washington began on the morning of the 24tb, and, leav- 
ing the good people of Annapolis astonished at the strictly correct behavior, 
the universal courtesy, and even the open-handed generosity of a body of 
men whom the disorganizes had led tbem to believe were but a well-drilled 
band of ruffians, the Seventh led the column toward the capital. The pic- 
ture of their patriotic journey would be incomplete were the gallantry which 
animated them left un illustrated by a declaration made on their behalf as to 
some of the foes whom they had reason to believe they would encounter. 
As individuals they had visited residents of Maryland and Virginia, and as 
a body they had enjoyed the hospitality of some of the military companies 
of those commonwealths, where they had friends whom they in turn bad 
welcomed and entertained at New York. Tiiese men were furious in their 
denunciations of the Seventh in particular, and in their threats of bloody 
vengeance on it; but the members of that regiment, expressing their won- 
der at the hostility thus manifested on occasion of their mere march to the 
defense of Washington, said, "If, in the performance of duty, we shall be 
compelled to meet our friends of the Baltimore City Guard and the Rich- 
mond Grays in hostile array, we shall receive their first fire with presented 
arms, but on the second we shall be compelled to defend ourselves." Thus 
implacably malevolent were the self-styled chivalry of the labor-loathing 



by letter, and at the time of landing, by persona) interview, I had informed Governor Hicks Mint 
soldiers of the Union, under my command, were firmed only against the insurgents and disturbers 
of the peace of Maryland and of the United States, I received from Governor Hicks assurances 
of the loyalty of the suite to the Union— assurances which subsequent events have fully justified. 
The Mayor of Annapolis also informed me that the city authorities would in nowise oppose mc, 
but that I was in great danger from the excited and rioto'us mobs of Baltimore pouring down upon 
me, and in numbers beyond the control of the police. I assured both the governor and the mayor 
that I had no fear of n Baltimore or other mob, and that, supported by the authorities of the state 
and city, I should repress all hostile demonstrations against the laws of Maryland and the United 
States, and that I would protect both myself and the city of Annapolis from any disorderly per- 
sons whatsoever. On the morning following my landing I was informed t bat the city of Annapolis 
and environs were in danger from an insurrection of the slave population, in defiance of the laws 
of the state. What was I to do? I had promised to put down a.white mob, and to preserve and 
enforce the laws against that. Ought I to allow a black ono any preference in a breach of the 
laws? I understood that I was armed against all infractions of the laws, whether by white or 
black, and upon that understanding I acted, certainly with promptness and efficiency. And your 
excellency's shadow iff disapprobation, arising from a mi-under-tamling of the facts, has caused 
all the regret I have for that action, Tho question seemed to mo to be neither military nor polit- 
ical, and was not to be so treated. It was simply a question of good faith ami honesty "of purpose. 
The benign effect of my course was instantly seen. The good but timid people of Annapolis, who 
had fled from their houses at our apjirom h, immediately returned , hin-mesj resumed its accustom- 
ed channels ; quiet and order prevailed in the city ; confidence took tin; place of distrust, friend- 
ship of enmity, brotherly kindness of sectional ban-, and I beliuvo to-day thcro is no eity in tho 
Union more loyal than the city of Annapolis. I think, therefore, I may safely point to tho results 
for my justification. The vote of the neighboring county of Washington, a few days since, for its 
delegate to the Legislature, wherein (OHO out of MOO votes were thrown for a delegate favorable 
to the Union, is among the many happy fruits of firmness of purpose, efficiency of action, and in- 
tegrity of mission. I believe, indeed, that it will not require a personal interchange of views, as 
suggested in your dispatch, to bring our minds in accordance ; a simple statement of the fuels will 
infflco. 

But I am to net hereafter, it may be, in nn enemy's country, among a servile population, when 
the question may arise, as it has not yet arisen, as well in n moral and Christian, as in a political 
and military point of view, What shall I do? Will your excellency bear with mc a moment 
while this question is discussed? 

I appreciate fully your excellency's suggestion as to the inherent weakness of tho rebels, arising 
from the preponderance of their senile population. The question, (hen, is, In what manner shall 
we take advantoge of that weakness? By allowing, and of course arming, that population to rise 
upon the defenseless women and children of the country, carrying rapine, anon, and murder— all 
the horrors of Sbo Domingo, a million times magnified, among thOH whom we hopo to rcunilo 
with us as brethren, many of whom are already so, and all who nrc worth preserving will be, when 
this horrible madness shall have passed away or be thrashed out of them? Would your excel- 
lency advise tho troops under my command to make war in person upon Hie defenseless women 
nnd children of any part of the Union, accompanied with brutalities too horriblo to he named ? 
You will say, "God forbid!" If we may not do so in [person, shall WO arm othura so to do over 
whom wo can havo no restraint, exercise no control, and who, when onco they have tasted blood, 
may turn the very arms wo put in their hands against ourselves, as a pan of the oppressing white 
race? The reading of historv, SO familiar to v.mr excellency, wilt (all you the hiitercsl cause of 
complaint which our fathom had again*! Great Britain in tho war of the Uetolution v...- ilia arm- 
ing by the British ministry of the red man with the tomahawk and the si aloiinr-kiiLe- ,i_- ttnsl the 
women and children of the colonies, so that the phrase, "May wo not line nil the DM ins which 
God and Nature have put in our power lo mjhjugale the colonies?" has pie--* d into a leg, ml of in- 
famy against the leader of that ministry who used it in 1'arliament. Shall history teach uh in 
▼nin? Could we justify ourselves to ourselves? Although, with arms in our hands, nmld tho 
savage wildncsn of enmp and field, we may have blunted many of tho finer moral sousibilltics in 
letting loose fuur millions of wonto than savages upon the homes and bourlhs of tho South, con wo 



slave section; and with such high-toned and truly chivalrous hearing, re- 
minding us of the elaborate courtesy of the French Guard at Fontenoy, 
were they met by the simple and unpretending citizen soldiers of a common- 
wealth whose greatness was based on industry, and whose chief glory was in 
freedom. The march to Washington tried the endurance of the Seventh 
sorely. Begun in the morning, it was continued through the day under a 
blazing sun, over ground on which long stretches of hot and shifting sand 
were varied only by the wooden sleepers of tbc railway, progress over which 
was extraordinarily fatiguing. The railway was chosen instead of the turn- 
pike road because it bad been discovered that parties of cavalry had been 
posted along the latter route for the purpose of cutting off the regiment. 
Needful caution and the difficulties of the way made the march a very slow 
one; but the men kept steadily on, with an occasional halt at a station for 
brief rest and refreshment. All suffered greatly from fatigue and heat; and 
a few broke down and increased the sick-list. Night fell upon the slowly ad- 
vancing column : it was the fourth which most of them had been obliged to 
give to service instead of to slumber, and they staggered wearily through the 
monotonous obstacles of their march, startled at intervals to life and braced 
to action by the distant dropping shot of an outlying rebel, watching vainly 
for their blood. In this way, scouting the country round and feeling every 
rod of the road, they advanced little more than one mile an hour; and, al- 
though the last stages of their progress were easy, it was not until the 25th, 
six days after their departure from New York, that they arrived at the cap- 
ital. Before them there were only five hundred raw, undrilled men from 
Pennsylvania, and the Sixth Massachusetts regiment, fresh from its bloody 
initiation into military life at Baltimore. As they marched up the broad 
avenue to the White House, the roll of their drums made loyal hearts leap 
for joy, and sounded like the doom of treachery. But, to look forward, and 
to dismiss this regiment honorably from our sight, the fortunes of the war 
decreed that the New York Seventh should see no active service. They 
remained the full time for which the President's proclamation summoned 
them, and longer; these New York dandies worked in trenches and lay 
down to rest in mud ; they again returned to the defense of Washington, but 
they never were under fire as a body. So high, however, was the reputa- 
tion of the regiment for drill and discipline, that its members, even non- 
commissioned officers and privates, were eagerly sought as company and 
field-officers for newly-formed volunteer regiments, and a very large num- 
ber thus entered the army and served through the war, in many cases with 
distinction. The composition of the corps, its reputation, the fact that it was 
regarded as representing the peculiarly conservative classes of the commer- 
cial metropolis of the country, and the promptness with which it volunteer- 
ed to lead what was believed at the time to be the forlorn hope of the re- 
public, have entitled it to a more prominent place in the earlier pages of 
this history than can be given hereafter to some bodies of men which dis- 
played all its spirit and its patriotism, and which had ten times its numbers. 
While these events were taking place near the capital, which had been so 
suddenly isolated from the loyal millions of the North, they were every 
where assembling to express, in a formal and solemn manner, their determ- 
ination to support the government with their lives and their fortunes. 



he justified to the Christian community of Massachusetts? Would such a course. .„ . 
with the teachings of our holy religion'? I have a very decided opinion upon the subject, and if 
any one desires, as I know your excellency does not, ibis unhappy contest to lie prosecuted in that 
manner, some instrument oilier than myself must be found to carry it on. I may not discuss the 
polilienl bearings of this topic. When I went from under the shadow of my roof-tree, I left all 
politics behind me, to be resumed only when every part of the Union is loyal" 10 the flag, and tho 
potency of the government through thr billot-box is established. 

Passing the moral and Christian view, let Men -nine ihe subject as a military question. Is not 
that state already subjugated which requires the bayonets of those armed in opposition to ils rulers 
to preserve it from the horrors of u servile war ? As tho least experienced or military men, I would 
have no doubt of tho entire subjugation of a state brought to that condition. When, therefore — 
unless I am lietter advised — any community in the United Slates, who have met me in honorable 
warfare, or even in the prosecution of a rebellious war in an honorable manner, shall call upon mo 
for protection against the nameless horrors of a servile insurrection, rhev shall have it, and from ihe 
moment that call is obeyed, I have no doubt we shall be friends, and not enemies. 

The possibilities ilmt dishonorable means of defense arc to bo taken by the rebels against tho 
government I do not not) contemplate. If, a* li.i> been done in a single instance, my men are to 
lie nttacked by poison, or, as in another, stricken down by the assassin's knife, and thus murdered, 
ihe community using sneh weapons may he required to be (aught that it holds within ils own bor- 
der n more potent means for deadly purposes and indiscriminate slaughter than any which it eun 



Trusting that these views may meet your excellency's approval, I have the honor lo lie, very re- 
spectfully, your obedient servant, Bekj. F. Butlkr. 
8 Correspondence between Governor Ilirhs nnd General Duller. 

Cxccuttw ' hmuhi'r, Aiiii:ii»'li;, ftiJnv, Ai-ril 23, 1SG1. 
To Drljndlor Gcacnil II F. P-.il. r : 

Sin, — Having, by virttia of the powers vested in mc by the Constitution of Maryland, summon- 
ed tin Li i.'1-l.iiurc of ilie stale to a.--i mblc on Friday, ihe 2Gth instant, and Annapolis being tho 
place in winch, according to law. it imi-i a— ml-l . nnd lotting been credibly informed that you 
have taken mili'nry po~M— i«n of tho Annapolis and li!k llidgo Railroad, 1 deem it my duty lo 
jiroi •■ I,- .11.-1 tbi- t>u p. b. . iii-i'. Hiihoiit .u pit. Tin -•■ :oing nut oilier renson, I ntn informed 
that such occupation of said road will prevent the members of the Legislature from reaching this 
city. Very respectfully yours, Tiiohas II. Hicks. 

To which General Butler replied as follows: 

Hoad-qiurlen failed Slntts Miilth, Annapolis, Maryland, April S3, ISCt. 
Tp his Excellent- Tli. ■inn- II ttirli., ti,.vrtiior of Mnrylnnd: 

You are credibly informed that I have taken possession of the Annapolis nnd Flk Ridge Rail- 
road. It might have escaped your notice, but at the official meeting which v. as held lietween your 
excellency and Iho Minor of Annapolis, and the committee of tho government nnd myself, as to 
llio landing of my troops, it was r\prcsly staled ns the reason why I should not hind that my 
troops could not pass the railroad because the company had taken up tho rails, and they were pri- 
vate property. It is difllcnlt to see how it can lie, that if my troops could not pass over the rail- 
road one way, the mi'inher- of the I., ^i-l.uiue could pass the* oilier way. I have taken possession 
for the purpo-e of juvv. wing the execution of tho threats of the mob, aa officially represented to 
me by the Ma-t.-r of Transportation of the railroad in this city, " that if my troops passed over tho 

If the government of ihe nate ha, I tak' n possossion of the road in any emergency, I should havo 
long hesitated before entering upon it ; but as I had the honor to inform your excellency in regard 
to another insurrection against the laws of Maryland, I am hero armed to maintain those laws, if 
your excellency desires, and tho |>eaco of the United Slates, against all disorderly persons what- 
soever. I urn endeavoring to savo and not to destroy j to obtain means of transportation, so that 
I can vaciitu tho capital prior lo the silling of iho Legislature, mid not he under the necessity of 
encumbering your beautiful city whilu the Legislature, is in session. 

I havo the honor to be, very respectfully, your excellency's obedient servant, 

13. F. lliiTii.ii, Brigadier General. 



1861.] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 




" Union Meetings," as they were called, were held at all the cities and prin- 
cipal towns of the free states ; and at all of them there was an expression of 
the same fervid devotion to the cause of constitutional liberty and the re- 
public, varied only, and not too much, in the form of words in which it was 
uttered. Of these meetings, that held at New York on the 20th of April de- 
serves notice as of national consequence. The pre-eminence of the place in 
which it was held made it the most important, the distinction and the vari- 
ous political views and relations of its managers and speakers the most char- 
acteristic, and its numbers the most imposing. The city of New York was, 
of all places in the free states, the one in which there was the least disposi- 
tion to resist any demands made in the interests of slavery. No insignifi- 
cant proportion of her inhabiiants was directly bound by ties of blood and 
intermarriage to the people of the slave states; a still larger number were 
closely connected with them by business relations; and within her walls, 
chiefly by its command of the votes of naturalized Irish emigrants, the Dem- 
ocratic party, the ever-faithful ally of the slave power, ruled supreme. And 
in an age and in a country in which commerce, trade, and labor have a so- 
cial and political consideration which they never before enjoyed, the city, 
which was at once the great mart, treasure-house, and labor exchange of the 
land, had acquired an influence whose extent was limited only by the bounds 
of civilization, and whose power was diminished little by the effect of dis- 
tance. There was no part of the country the prosperity of which was not 
more or less involved in her stability and welfare. The vast crops of the 
"West moved to the sea-board upon railways and canals, and those of both 
West and South were borne to Europe in ships, built chiefly by her capita!, 
which seemed to have no limit except the demands for its employment. 
Every trader in the country, from the merchant who sold cargoes in the 
quiet of a luxurious office, to the peddler who painfully bore his little stock 
upon his bending back, was directly or indirectly her tributary debtor. To 
her the agriculturist and the manufacturer looked to find at home or make 
abroad a market for the fruits of his labor. The harbors of the Atlantic and 
the Pacific Ocean filled with her ships, and the expanse of the great interior 
seas of the North plowed by keels floated from her harbor through canals, 
showed her the great carrier as well as the great factor and the great nego- 
tiator of a continent. Her capital insured the goods and even the lives that 
her commercial enterprise sent out upon these waters. With this position of 
command came a corresponding responsibility. Agriculture may flourish 
upon any field not trodden under foot of hostile armies; but trade thrives 
only amid general stability, and the sails of commerce must be wafted by 
the gales of peace. Therefore from the first muttcrings of sectional discord 
the efforts of New York had been to set aside the issue and still the trouble ; 
for she knew that she must provide the bulk of the means for carrying on a 
war which would at once drain her coffers and cripple her clients. En- 



thusiasts, men of extreme views, men of reckless purposes, stigmatized her 
endeavors as the fruits of a base disposition to compromise with crime and 
to barter the principles of humanity for the good things of this life; and 
during the fierce debate of years, many were the sneers at the commercial 
patriotism of the so-called Union-savers, whose voices were heard only in 
deprecation. Honest in some cases, in many others this clamor was but a 
manifestation of that subtle hypocrisy by which the human heart seeks 
even to deceive itself Self-sacrifice, conscious, seems heroic. Nothing high- 
er toned, more unselfish, benevolent, patriotic, than to insist on carrying out 
one's principles without care for consequences. Being jocosely scornful of 
the meanness of looking after gold and silver in preference to the misty 
glories of abstract philanthropy is a grand sort of humor, a pipe the music 
of which costs little to those among whom it finds the readiest, most un- 
tiring dancers. For there is this difference between the position of most 
merchants and that of most enthusiasts in philanthropy — that profound 
political agitation threatens the former with present pecuniary loss and 
prospective ruin, while to the latter it generally brings little personal in- 
convenience, and often increase, if not of gain, at least of influence. There- 
fore, under such circumstances, the ore is always called upon to sacrifice a 
tangible personal good in possession to the possible establishment of an ab- 
stract principle in which he has no direct interest; while the other has his 
triumph, gains his glory, sacrifices nothing, and, especially if he is a journal- 
ist or a man of letters, perhaps gets money by the very curiosity which he 
has provoked, the very solicitude which he has awakened. To the former, 
therefore, any grave disturbance of society is a very serious matter ; it touch- 
es with inexorable finger that sensitive spot of almost every civilized man's 
organization, the pocket — a region in which the philanthropic agitator is 
often equally callous and flaccid. The penniless traveler knows that he can 
sing before the robber. Nor is the mercantile view of politics, whatever the 
motives and ends of individuals, narrow or selfish in its actual horizon. For 
to the great majority of any people serious political disturbance ushers in a 
troubled present and a cloudy future. It brings anxious days and sleepless 
nights; it darkens the father's brow with care, and wrings the mother's 
heart with sorrow ; and it may pinch the whole household with the pangs 
of actual poverty. Without claiming, then, that the commercial scope of 
politics is taken from the Bublimest moral plane, and, on the other hand, 
recognizing the existence of times when considerations of present material 
good must be given to the winds, it must be admitted that the merchant 
may justly claim that the philanthropist should respect his scruples and deal 
tenderly with liia fears, and that the statesman should remember that thero 
may be too great a sacrifice made for an abstraction, or even for a principle, 
unless national safety or honor is at stake. For such reasons New York 
could afford to bear the reproach of selfishness and timidity so long as the 



at 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL 




DESTRUCTION OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY YAED AT NOEFOI 




BESTJIUOTION OS THE UNITED STATES SHIPS AT TI 



HARPFR'S PICTORIAL HSU E Y OF THE CIVIL WAR. 









MS 



m HIS" 



2CE 



■mr- „ \ \ \ \ i iTTTTvL, 



•> 



\ 



JHP 



V 



VV- 



^wi^iv 



"*>\v 



DESTRUCTION OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY YARD AT NORFOLK, VEGINIA, BY FIRE, BY THE UNITED STATES TROOPS, ON APRIL 20, 1861. 




DESTBUCTION OF THE UNITED STATES SHIPS AT THEK>EF0LK NAVY YARD, BY OBDEB OF THE GOVERNMENT, 



06 



HAMPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



struggle could with any honor be avoided; but when that period was past 
she took her position instantly and without reserve upon the side of consti- 
tutional government, and her prompt movement now was all the more im- 
posing from her foregone caution and reserve. 

To the meeting at Union Square, where centred the main avenues of the 
city, it seemed as if uearly all the male adult population poured in steady 
streams from an early hour after noon. The vast expanse was packed close 
with people, and the outskirts of the crowd stretched into the tributary 
streets. Five platforms were set up for officers and speakers, and, these prov- 
ing insufficient, the people most remote from them were addressed from the 
balconies and steps of houses, the windows and even the roofs of which were 
occupied by ladies drawn thither by the unwonted scene. Major Anderson 
and the other officers of Fort Sumter had arrived, bringing with them the 
tattered flag which they had maintained so long and defended so well, and 
their presence added needless fuel to the patriotic fire which fused into one 
glowing mass the incongruous political elements of this great gathering. For 
the men who took prominent parts on this occasion were the leaders of all 
parties ; Democrats and Republicans, Old Whigs and Native Americans, the 
living and the dead organizations, were all represented ; and as the speakers 
came not only from the city and the State of New York, but from the East 
and the West, and from the very South, the demonstration assumed a na- 
tional as welt as a municipal importance. The resolutions at tbis meeting, 
unlike those passed at meetings in the slave states, were neither defiant nor 
denunciatory. They calmly set forth the occasion of the coming war, and 
declared it the duty of all good citizens to uphold with their fortunes and 
their lives the authority of the government against acts of lawless violonce, 
which, if longer unresisted, would inevitably end in the destruction of the 
institutions established by the fathers of the republic for the protection of 
life, liberty, and property, and involve the country in universal anarchy and 
confusion. 9 Of the many speeches made in support of these resolutions, near- 
ly all may be passed by as of no permanent interest, though welt adapted to 
the time and the occasion. But three of them were so characteristic of the 
spirit of the people, and so significant, not only in their terms, but in the 
sources whence they came, that without them the record of that day would 
be tame and incomplete. 

Sis months before, Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, was perhaps one of 
the very last men in the country, outside the ranks of the raving "fire-eaters," 
who would have been expected to raise his voice against any movement of 
the slave states, and in support of any act of a Republican president. He 
had been through all his manhood an active, and through much of it a lead- 
ing, member of the Democratic party. For six years he had represented 
Mississippi as her senator in Congress. As Secretary of the Treasury, he 
had been one of the most influential of President Polk's cabinet ministers, 
and had acquired, even among his political opponents, a reputation for sagac- 
ity, knowledge of affairs, and administrative ability — three of the chiefest 
qualifications of a statesman. Bound up not only with the Democratic par- 
ty, but in the most intimate political and personal relations with the leading 
men of the Gulf states, the defender of their utmost rights, the apologist of 
their very excesses, he was selected by President Buchanan as the fourth 
governor of Kansas Territory ; and it is to his enduring honor that he re- 
signed that responsible position as soon as he saw that the course marked 
out for him by the administration which he served was flagrantly in viola- 
tion of the principles of liberty and justice. Cautious by nature, schooled 
by long experience, and prejudiced only in favor of the men whose insur- 
rection was the occasion of his presence, after a brief peroration, he thus 
coolly exposed their pretenses and condemned their action : "The question 
is, Shall this Union be maintained and perpetuated, or shall it be broken and 
dissolved ? No question so important has ever occurred in the history of 
our race. It involves not only the fate of this great country, but the ques- 
tion of free institutions throughout the world. The case of self-government 
is now on trial before the forurn of our country and of the world. If we 
succeed and maintain the Union, free institutions, under the moral force of 
our example, will ultimately be established throughout the world; but if 
we fail, and our government is overthrown, popular liberty will have made 
its last experiment, and despotism will reign triumphant throughout the 
globe. Our responsibilities are fearful. We have a solemn duty to perform 
— we are this day making history. We are writing a book whose pages can 
never be erased — it is the destiny of our country and of mankind. For 



Resolutions at the Union Meeting, New York; April 20th, 1 8C1 . 
Whereas ihc union of the stales, under the guidance of Divine Providence, 1ms been tin: fruitful 
source or prosperity :mJ domestic penn: to tlj >- country fur nearly three quarters of n century ; and 
WhercM tin- (.'(institution, framed ley mir ltevolulioiiurv fathers, contains within itself all need- 
ful provisions for the exigencies of tile government, and, in the progress of even is, for such amend- 
ments an are necessary to meet new exigencies; end 

Whereas on armed combination has been fur mod to break up tho Union, by throwing off Mio 
obligations of the Constitution, nnd ban, in several of the stales, carried nn its criminal purpose, 
and, finally, by assaulting Fort Humlor, a fortress of the United States occupied by a Blender but 
heroic garrison, and capturing it by uti overwhelming force after a gallant defense, thus netting 
the authority of (he eoverrmK.nt at dehiinee, mid insulting the niilinmil Hag ; and 

Whereon the government of the United States, with nn earnest desire to avert the evils of civil 
War, has silently submitted to these, aggressions mid insults with a patient forbearance unparalleled 
in the annah of history, but has nt lust deemed it due to the public honor and safety to appeal to 
the people of the Union for the means of maintaining its authority, of enforcing the execution of 
the laws, and of saving our country from dismemberment and our politico! institutions from de- 
struction ; therefore, 

lte*okr<l, That the Declaration or Independence, the war of the Revolution, and die Constitution 
of the United Stales have niven origin to this government, the mini eipnd and beneficent hitherto 
known among men ; that under its prelection the wide expansion of oar territory, tho vast devel- 
opment of oar iveal I h, oar population, and "'ir power, have built up a nation able to maintain and 
defend before the world ihe principle* of liberty and ju-ike upon which it was founded ; (hat by 
every sentiment of interest, pf honor, of ftfli eitofl lad I 1 duly, we ttro engaged to preserve unbroken 
for our generation, and in transmit It r notti riiy, the gre.il heritage we have received from he- 
roic onccKlom; that to Ihe maintenance of this sacred trust wo devote whatever we possess, and 
whatever wo can do. nnd in support of that government under which wu uro happy and proud to 
live, wo a/o prepared lo abed our blood and lay down our lives. 



more than seventy years this Union has been maintained, and it has ad- 
vanced our country to a prosperity unparalleled in the history of the world. 
The past was great, but the future opened upon prospects beyond the power 
of language to describe. But where are we now? The world looks on 
with scorn and derision. We Lave, it is said, no government — a mere vol- 
untary association of independent states — a debating society, or a moot 
court, without any real power to uphold the laws or maintain the Constitu- 
tion. We have no country, no flag, no Union ; but each state at its pleas- 
ure, upon its own mere whim or caprice, with or without cause, may secede 
and dissolve the Union. Secession, we are told, is a constitutional right of 
each state, and the Constitution has inscribed its own death-warrant upon its 
face. If this be so, we have indeed no government, and Europe may well 
speak of us with contempt and derision. This is the very question we are 
now to solve — have we a government, and has it power to maintain its ex- 
istence? This question is not for the first time presented to the considera- 
tion of the American people. It arose in 1832, when South Carolina nulli- 
fied the revenue laws of the Union, and passed her secession ordinance. In 
that contest I took a very active part against the doctrines of nullification 
and secession, and upon that question, after a struggle of three years, I was 
elected by Mississippi as a senator of the United States. A contest so pro- 
longed and violent had never before been witnessed in this country. It was 
fought by me in every county of the state under the banner of the Union. 
The sentiments contained in the many speeches then made by me, and then 
published, are the opinions I now entertain. They are all for the Union 
and against secession, and they arc now the opinions of thousands of Union 
men of the South and of Mississippi. These opinions are unchanged; and 
deeply as I deplore our present situation, it is my profound conviction that 
the welfare, security, and prosperity of the South can only be restored by 
the re-establishment of the Union. I see, in the permanent overthrow of 
the Union, the utter ruin of the South and the complete prostration of all 
their interests. I have devoted my life to the maintenance of all their con- 
stitutional rights, and the promotion of their happiness and welfare ; but se- 
cession involves them and us in one common ruin. The recognition of such 
a doctrine is fatal to the existence of any government — of the Union : it is 
death — it is national suicide. This is the question now to be decided : Have 
we a Union — have we a flag — are the stars and stripes a reality or a fiction 
— have we a government, and can we enforce its laws, or must the whole 
vanish whenever any one state thinks proper to issue the despotic mandate? 
Is the Union indissoluble, or is it written on the sand, to be swept away by 
the first angry surge of state or sectional passion which may sweep over it? 
It was the declared object of our ancestors to found a perpetual Union. 
The original Articles of Confederation, by all the states, in 1778, declared the 
Union to be ' perpetual,' and South Carolina (with all the states) then plight- 
ed her solemn faith that 'the union of the states shall be perpetual.' And 
in modifying these articles by the formation of the Constitution in 17S7, the 
declared object of that change was to make ' the Union more perfect.' But 
how more perfect, if the Union is indissoluble in 1787, but might at any mo- 
ment be destroyed by any one state after the adoption of the Constitution ? 
No, my countrymen, secession is not a constitutional right of any one state. 
It is war — it is revolution — and can only be established on the ruins of the 
Constitution and of the Union. We must resist and subdue it, or our gov- 
ernment will be but an organized anarchy, to be surely succeeded, as anar- 
chy ever has been, by military despotism. This, then, my fellow-citizens, 
is the last great contest for the liberties of our country and of the world. 
If we are defeated, the last experiment of self-government will have failed, 
and we will have written with our own hands the epitaph of human liberty. 
We will have no flag, we will have no government, no country, and no 
Union ; we will cease to be American citizens, nnd the despots of Europe 
will rejoice in the failure of the great experiment of republican institutions. 
The liberties of our country and of the world will have been intrusted to 
our care, and we shall have dishonored the great trust and proved ourselves 
traitors to the freedom of our country and of mankind. This is not a sec- 
tional question; it is not a Northern or a Southern question; it is not a 
question which concerns our country only, but all mankind. It is this : 
Shall we, by a noble and united effort, sustain here republican institutions, 
or shall we have secession and anarchy, to be succeeded by despotism, and 
extinguish forever the hopes of freedom throughout the world ? God grant 
you, my dear countrymen, courage, and energy, and pei'severance to main- 
tain successfully the great contest. You are fighting the last great decisive 



Resolved, Thot the founders of the government of the United Stntcs hove provided, by the insti- 
lution of the Supreme Court, n tribunal for the pcurctol sciilrmrut if nil questions arising tinder 
the Constitutiou nnd the laws ; that it is the duly of the states to appeal to ii for relief from meas- 
ures which they belieie unauthorized ; and that attempts to throw ell' the obligations of tho Con- 
stitution, and to obtain redrcKs by an appeal to arms, can be considered in no other light than as 
levying war against the United Btntcs. 

Resulted, That the Constitution of (lie United States, the basis and the safeguard of tho federal 
Union, having been framed and ratified bv the original states, and accepted by tlioso which subse- 
quently become parties lo it, is binding upon nit; and that any resumption l>y any one of them of 
tho rights delegated to the federal government, w itliout lirst seeking a ivU'use from its obligations 
through the concurrence of the common sovereignty, is unauthorised, unjust to all the others, and 

desir i. ..fall ■■■.,,,] .ml political order. 

Rfoliid, That when the nuihi.rity of the fed e rid government slinll have Wen re-established, and 

jiem Hiil i 'hi 'lie in tin- Ciiii-iitution and laws prevail, we shall be ready to confer and co-operato 

with all In ul i iti/eii<- throughout the Union, in Congress or in Convention, for tho consideration 
of nil supposed giievuueiM, the n-.hc-s of all ivvongs, and the protection of every right, yielding our- 
selves, nnd expecting nil others to yield, to tho will of tho wholo people ns constitutionally nnd laW- 
fallvcNi.resscd. 

ilvmlt'til. That It Is the duly of all good citizens, avciliiiikirio; pes I dilTcveiao of ..pinion, to con- 
tribute bv idl the mentis in their power lo maintain the union of Hie suites, to defend tho Coustilu- 
tion, to procrvc the national ling from insult, and uphold the authority of the government against 
acts of limb - nub ii< e. whirls, if longer unresisted, woald ineviisdily end in breaking down nil ihe 
barriers erected by our fathers for the protection of life, liberty, and projiorly, nnd involve ihe coun- 
try in iiiiivcivni anarchy and confusion. 

ItetolveJ, That a com mi I tee of iwenty-flvo, tn be nominated by Ihe president, bo appointed by 
this muuling to represent the ciii/.oiis ili (ho collection of funds and tho transaction ofuuolt other 
I'.r in. .:.. In aid of thu tnovcniuuts of tho government us tho public interests may require. 



18CL] 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH. 



97 



battle for the liberties of our country and of mankind ; faint not, falter not, 
but move onward in one great column for the maintenance of tbe Constitu- 
tion and tbe Union. Remember it was a Southern man, a noble sou of 
Kentucky, who so gloriously sustained tbe flag of our country at Fort Sum 
ter, and never surrendered tbat flag. lie brought it with bim to New York 
and there it is, held in tbe bands of Washington, in that marble column now 
before us representing tbe Father of his Country, and whose lips now open 
and urge us, as in bis Farewell Address, to maintain tbe Constitution and 
the Union. And now, while I address you, tbe news comes tbat the city 
of Washington, founded by tbe Father of his Country and bearing bis 
cred name, is to be seized by the legions of disunion. Never, never must 
or shall this disgrace befall us. That capital must and shall be defended, if 
it requires every Union man in America to march to its defense. And now, 
then, fellow-citizens, a desperate effort is made to make this a party question 
— a question between Democrats and Republicans. Well, fellow-citizens, I 
have been a Democrat all my life, and never scratched a Democratic ticket, 
from Constable up to President, but say to you this is no party question. 
It is a question of a maintenance of tbe government and tbe perpetuation of 
the Union. Tbe vessel of slate is rushing upon the breakers, and, without 
asking who may be the commander, we must all aid in her rescue from im- 
pending disaster. When the safety of my country is involved, I will never 
ask who is. President, nor inquire what may be the effect on parties of any 
particular measure. Much as I love my party, I love my country infinitely 
more, and must and will sustain it at all hazards. Indeed, it is due to the 
great occasion here frankly to declare that, notwithstanding my earnest oppo- 
sition to the election of Mr. Lincoln, and my disposition most closely to scru- 
tinize all bis acts, I see thus far noihing to condemn in bis efforts to main- 
tain tbe Union. And now, then, my countrymen, one word more before I 
close. I was trained in devotion to the Union by a patriot sire, who fought 
tbe battles of liberty during tbe war of the Revolution. My life has been 
given to the support' of the Union. I never conceived a thought, or wrote 
or uttered a word, except in its defense. And now let me say that this 
Union must, will, and shall be perpetuated ; that not a star shall be dimmed 
or a stripe erased from our banner; that the integrity of the government 
shall be preserved, and that, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from tbe Lakes 
of the North to the Gulf of Mexico, never shall be surrendered a single acre 
of our soil or a drop of its waters." 

Conclusive, comprehensive, and untemporizing as this speeeb was, it lack- 
ed the fervor which animated tbe great body of tbe loyal men in those days, 
and which found expression in the words of others who spoke for and to 
that immense multitude. Among these were two who afterward gave their 
lives in the defense of the republic. Edward Dickinson Baker was born a 
British subject. A native of London, be came to the United States in his 
boyhood, and, going to Illinois nearly forty years before these troublous 
times, be grew to man's estate in and with the rising West. His mind was 
active and powerful ; to his professional reading of the law be added an un- 
usual cultivation of letters ; and a remarkable energy of character raised him 
steadily to distinction. Attracted to political life, be adhered from the be- 
ginning to those principles of freedom which it is the glory of the English 
race on both sides of the Atlantic to bave asserted and maintained consist- 
ently with the stability of society and the best conditions of human progress ; 
the notable and unmistakable exception being those places in which tbe per- 
petuation of slavery produced its inevitable results — oligarchical rule, and 
a society at once controlled and disturbed by violence. Senator Baker had 
followed General Scott as colonel of a volunteer regiment in tbe Mexican 
war, in which he served with distinction. He lived for some years in tbe 
chaotic but rapidly self-organizing society of California, and finally settled in 
Oregon, from which state he took his seat as senator in 1859. Believing 
that, although in tbe states wbere slavery was already established it was im- 
movable except by the action of the people of those states, the future addi- 
tions to tbe great republic should be consecrated to free soil, free speech, and 
free men, he attached himself to the Republican party, and gave it the zeal- 
ous and untiring support which sprung from bis earnest convictions and en- 
ergetic character. With this creed and this experience, and with bis ardent 
temperament fired by the outrages at Fort Sumter, Harper's Ferry, Ports- 
mouth Navy Yard, and Baltimore, and bis sympathetic nature roused by the 
excitement of the community in which he found himself, he thus broke forth 
in burning words, thus pledged the honor which be well maintained, and the 
life which, ere loDg, all vainly he gave up : 

"The majesty of the people is here to-day to sustain tbe majesty of the 
Constitution, and I come, a wanderer from the far Pacific, to record my oath 
along with yours of the great Empire State. Tbe hour for conciliation has 
passed, the gathering for battle is at hand, and the country requires that ev- 
ery man shall do his duty. Fellow-citizens, what is that country ? Is it the 
soil on which we tread? Is it the gathering of familiar faces? Is it our 
luxury, and pomp, and pride? Nay, more than these, is it power, and might, 
and majesty alone? No, our country is more, far more than all these. The 
country which demands our love, our courage, our devotion, our heart's 
blood, is more than all these. Our country is the history of our fathers— our 
country is the tradition of our mothers — our country is past renown— our 
country is present pride and power — our country is future hope and destiny 
— our country is greatness, glory, truth, constitutional liberty — above all, 
freedom forever! These arc the watchwords under which wo fight; and we 
will shout thern out till the stars appear in the sky, in the stormiest hour of 
battle. I have said that the hour for conciliation is past. It may return ; 
but not to-morrow, nor next week. It will return when that tattered (lag is 
avenged. It will return when rebel traitors aro taught obedience and sub- 
mission. It will return when the rebellious confederates arc taught that the 



North, though peaceable, are not cowardly — though forbearing, are not fear- 
ful. That hour of conciliation will come back when again tbe ensign of the 
republic will stream over every rebellious fort of every confederate state. 
Then, as of old, the ensign of tbe pride and power, and dignity and majesty, 
and the peace of the republic will return. Young men of New York — young 
men of the United States — you are told this is not to be a war of aggression. 
In one sense that is true ; in another, not. We have committed aggression 
upon no man. In all the broad land, in their rebel nest, in their traitors' 
camp, no truthful man can rise and say that be has ever been disturbed, 
though it be but for a single moment, in life, liberty, estate, character, or hon- 
or. The day they began this unnatural, false, wicked, rebellious warfare, 
their lives were more secure, their property more secure, by us — not by them- 
selves, but by us — guarded far more securely than any people ever have had 
their lives and property secured from the beginning of the world. We have 
committed no oppression, have broken no compact, have exercised no un- 
holy power; have been loyal, moderate, constitutional, and just. We are a 
majority of tbe Union, and we will govern our own Union, within our own 
Constitution, in our own way. We are all Democrats. We are all Repnb 
licans. We acknowledge the sovereignty of the people within the rule of 
the Constitution, and under that Constitution and beneath that flag let trai- 
tors beware. In this sense, then, young men of New York, we are not for a 
war of aggression. But in another sense, speaking for myself as a man who 
has been a soldier, and as one who is a senator, I say, in the same sense, I am 
for a war of aggression. I propose to do now as we did in Mexico — con- 
quer peace. I propose to go to Washington and beyond. I do not design 
to remain silent, supine, inactive, nay,fearftil, until they gather their battal- 
ions and advance their host upon our borders or in our midst. I would 
meet them upon the threshold, and there, in the very state of their power, 
in the very atmosphere of their treason, I propose that the people of this 
Union dictate to these rebels the terms of peace. It may take thirty mil- 
lions; it may take three hundred millions. What then? We have it. Loy- 
ally, nobly, grandly do the merchants of New York respond to the appeals 
of the government. It may cost us seven thousand men. It may cost us 
seventy-five thousand men in battle ; it may cost us seven hundred and fifty 
thousand men. What then? We have them. The blood of every loyal 
citizen of this government is dear to me. My sons, my kinsmen, the young 
men who bave grown up beneath my eye and beneath my care, they are all 
dear to me ; but if the country's destiny, glory, tradition, greatness, freedom, 
government, written constitutional government — tbe only hope of a free peo- 
ple — demand it, let them all go. I am not here now to speak timorous 
words of peace, but to kindle the spirit of manly, determined war. I speak 
in the midst of the Empire State, amid scenes of past suffering and past glo- 
ry: the defenses of tbe Hudson above me, the battle-field of Long Island 
before me, and the statue of Washington in my very face — the battered and 
unconquered flag of Sumter waving in his hands, which I can almost now 
imagine trembles with the excitement of battle. And as I speak, I say my 
mission here to-day is to kindle the heart of New York for war— short, sud- 
den, bold, determined, forward war. The Seventh Regiment has gone ; let 
seventy and seven more follow. Of old, said a great historian, beneath the 
banner of the Cross, Europe precipitated itself upon Asia. Beneath the ban- 
ner of the Constitution let the men of tbe Union precipitate themselves upon 
disloyal, rebellious confederate states. A few more words, and I have done. 
Let no man underrate tbe dangers of this controversy. Civil war, for the 
best of reasons upon the one side and the worst upon the other, is always 
dangerous to liberty, always fearful, always bloody; but, fellow - citizens, 
there are yet worse things than fear, than doubt and dread, and danger and 
blood. Dishonor is worse. Perpetual anarchy is worse. States forever 
commingling and forever severing are worse. Traitors and secessionists are 
worse. To have star after star blotted out — to have stripe after slripe ob- 
scured — to have glory after glory dimmed — to have' our women weep and 
our men blush for shame throughout generations yet to come — that and 
these are infinitely worse than blood. People of New York, on the eve of 
battle allow me to speak as a soldier. Few of you know, as my career has 
been distant and obscure, but I may mention it here to-day with a generous 
pride, that it was once my fortune to lead your gallant New York regiment 
in the very shock of battle. I was their leader, and upon the bloody heights 
of Cerro Gordo I know well what New York can do when her blood is up. 
Again, once more, when we march, let us not march for revenge. As yet 
we have nothing to revenge. It is not much that where that tattered flag 
waved, guarded by seventy men against ten thousand — it is not much that 
starvation effected what an enemy could not compel. Wc have as yet some- 
thing to punish, but nothing, or very little, to revenge. The President him- 
self, a hero without knowing it — and I speak from knowledge, having known 
him from boyhood — the President says, 'There are wrongs to be redressed, 
already long enough endured ;' and we march to battle and to victory be* 
cause we do not choose to endure this wrong any longer. The}' are wrongs 
not merely against us; not against you, Mr. President, not against me, but 
against our sons and against our grandsons that surround us. They are 
wrongs against our ensign ; they arc wrongs against our Union ; they are 
wrongs against our Constitution ; they arc wrongs against human hope and 
human freedom ; and thus, if it be avenged, still, as Burke-says, ' it is a wild 
justice at lost,' and we will revenge them. While I speak, following in tho 
wake of men so eloquent, so conservative, so eminent, so loyal, so well known 
— even while I speak, the object of your meeting is accomplished ; upon tho 
wings of the lightning it goes out throughout the world that New York, tho 
very heart of a great city, with her crowded thoroughfares, her merchants, 
her manufacturers, her artists— that New York, by one hundred thousand of 
her people, declares to tho country and to the world that sho will sustain tho 



HAMPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



government to the last dollar in her treasury — to the last drop of your blood. 
The national banners leaning from ten thousand windows in your city to- 
day proclaim your affection and reverence for the Union. You will gather 
in battalions, 

" ' Patient of toil, serene amid alarms, 
Inflexible in faith, invincible in arras;' 

and as you gather, every omen of present concord and ultimate peace will 
surround you. The ministers of religion, the priests of literature, the histo- 
rians of the past, the illustrators of the present, capital, science, art, invention, 
discoveries, the works of genius — all these will attend us in our march, and 
we will conquer. And if, from the far Pacific, a voice feebler than the fee- 
blest murmur upon its shore may be heard to give you courage and hope in 
the contest, that voice is yours to-day ; and if a man whose hair is gray, who 
is well-nigh worn out in the battle and toil of life, may pledge himself on 
such an occasion and in such an audience, let me say, as my last word, that 
when, amid sheeted fire and flame, I saw and led the hosts of New York as 
tbey charged in contest upon a foreign soil for the honor of your flag, so 
again, if Providence shall will it, this feeble liand shall draw a sword, never 
yet dishonored, not to fight for distant honor in a foreign land, but to fight 
for country, for home, for law, for government, for Constitution, for right, for 
freedom, for humanity, and in the hope that the banner of my country may 
advance, and wheresoever that banner waves, there glory may pursue and 
freedom be established." 

Few among the more intelligent and cultivated of the throng that he ad- 
dressed did not respect the reputation of Ormsby M'Knight Mitchell; but 
probably no one of them expected from the eminent mathematician and as- 
tronomer, the superintendent of the Dudley Observatory, such an impassion- 
ed and stirring appeal as he made to them, such an earnest warning, and such 
a demand for instant, energetic action. What he was he told himself. A 
native of one slave state, born of parents who were natives of another, a res- 
ident of a free state (like many of his military fellow-students and quondam 
brother officers who had disowned and deserted the flag of the government 
which had bred and fed them), loving kindred and neighbors, and honoring 
the commonwealth of which he was a member, be yet disavowed any alle- 
giance except to the republic, and thus, in his speech and in himself, he was 
a typical man for the times and the occasion. The hearts of all that great 
congregation went with him as he spoke these words: "I am infinitely in- 
debted to you for this evidence of your kindness. I know I am a stranger 
among you. I have been in your state but a little while; but I am with 
you, heart and soul, and mind and strength, and all that I have and am be- 
longs to you and our common country, and to nothing else. I have been 
announced to you as a citizen of Kentucky. Once I was, because I was 
born there. I love my native state as you love your native state. I love 
ray adopted state of Ohio as you love your adopted state, if such you have ; 
but, my friends, I am not a citizen now of any state. I owe allegiance to no 
state, and never did, and, God helping me, I never will. I owe allegiance 
to the government of the United States. A poor boy, working my way with 
my own hands, at the age of twelve turned out to take care of myself as best 
I could, and beginning by earning but $4 per month, I worked my way on- 
ward until this glorious government gave me a chance at the Military Acad- 
emy at "West Point. There I landed with a knapsack on my back, and, I 
tell you God's truth, just a quarter of a dollar in my pocket. There I swore 
allegiance to the government of the United States. I did not abjure the 
love of my own state, nor of my adopted state, but all over that rose proud- 
ly triumphant and predominant my love for our common country. And 
now to-day that common country is assailed, and, alas ! alas ! that I am com- 
pelled to say it, it is assailed in some sense by my own countrymen. My 
father and my mother were from Old Virginia, and my brothers and sisters 
from Old Kentucky. I lovo them all ; I love them dearly. I have my 
brothers and friends down in the South now, united to me by the fondest 
ties of love and affection. I would take them in my arms to-day with all 
the love that God has put into this heart; but if I found them in arms, I 
would be compelled to smite them down. You have found officers of the 
army who have been educated by the government — who have drawn their 
support from the government for long years— who, when called upon by their 
country to stand for the Constitution and for the right, have basely, igno- 
miniously, and traitorously either resigned their commissions, or deserted to 
traitors, rebels, and enemies. What means all this? IIow can it be possi- 
ble that men should act in this way ? There is no question but one. If we 
ever had a government and Constitution, or if we ever lived under such, have 
we ever recognized the supremacy of right? I say, in God's name, why not 
recognize it now? Why not to-day? Why not forever? Suppose those 
friends of ours from old Ireland — suppose he who has made himself one of 
us, when a war should break out against his own country, should say, ' I 
can not fight against my own countrymen,' is he a citizen of the United 
States? They are no countrymen longer when war breaks out. The rebels 
and the traitors in the South we must set aside; they arc not our friends. 
When they come to their senses, we will receive them with open arms; but 
till that time, while they are trailing our glorious banner in the dust, when 
they scorn it, condemn it, curse it, and trample it under foot, then I must 
smite. In God'H name I will smite, and as long as I have strength I will do 
it. Oh, listen to me, listen to met I know these men; I know their cour- 
nge ; I have been among thern ; I have been with them ; I have been reared 
with them ; they have courage ; and do not you pretend to think they have 
not. I tell you what it is, it is no child's play you are entering upon. They 
will fight, and with a determination and a power which is irreainlible. Make 
up your mind to it, Let every man put bin life in his hand, and say, 'There 
ia the altar of my country ; there I will sacrifice my life,' I, for one, will 



lay my life down. It is not mine any longer. Lead me to the conflict. 
Place me where I can do my duty. There I am ready to go, I care not 
where it leads me. * * * * I am ready to fight in the ranks or out of the 
ranks. Having been educated in the Academy; having been in the army 
seven years; having served as commander of a volunteer company for ten 
years, and having served as an adjutant general, I feel I am ready for some- 
thing. I only ask to be permitted to act ; and, in God's name, give me some- 
thing to do." The burden which Mitchell solicited was laid upon bis shoul- 
ders; the sacrifice which he offered was accepted. He died in the service 
of the republic during the coming struggle, but, as we shall hereafter see, 
not before he had led its armies to victory in the very heart of the country 
over which, while he spoke, the rebels, whom he denounced, but whose cour- 
age and determination he so justly acknowledged, held undisputed sway. If 
that be eloquence which, as has been said, produces the effect desired upon 
those to whom it is addressed, the simple directness of this short speech was 
eloquence itself. It raised all who heard it to such a pitch of enthusiasm 
that they gave vent to their feelings in demonstrations rarely seen in public 
among people of the English race. Tears, sobs, outcries half suppressed, and 
movements showing the deepest agitation, broke forth all around. Such 
moments do not last ; our nature could not support them ; and the emotion, 
though not the attention, of the assembly subsided under the discourse of 
speakers less fervid, but perhaps equally patriotic. The presence of certain 
of the men who took an active part on the occasion was justly regarded as 
worthy of special note, for they were known to all as the industrious advo- 
cates and apologists of secession hardly more than a week before. One of 
these stands out from among his fellows. The reader has, perhaps, divined 
his name. As Saul was among the prophets, so Fernando Wood appeared 
among the patriots. He not only appeared, but spoke. What he said was 
in itself of little interest or consequence ; but it is noteworthy as indicative 
of the influence of the times upon a man of great sagacity, and boldness, and 
few scruples, who sought to efface by a successful political career the pub- 
lished records of a criminal tribunal. He declared it to be his official duty 
to support the Union, the government, the laws, and the flag; as a man, he 
professed that he threw himself into the coming contest with all his power 
and all bis might, that the authority of the government and the integrity of 
the republic might be maintained, peaceably if possible, but, if not, forcibly; 
be spontaneously assumed the responsibility of pledging the corporation of 
the city for the sum necessary to tit out a brigade of troops; and, alluding to 
the threats of successful invasion made by the insurgents, he proclaimed that 
before the confederate flag could fly over Faneuil Hall in Boston, it must be 
carried over the dead bodies of the citizens of New York. 10 Into such a 
well-voiced semblance of patriotism was this man startled by the sight of the 



10 Mayor Wood's Speech. 

Fellow-Citizen 9, — The President bus announced thai Colonel Baker, the gentleman who boa 
so eloquently addressed yon to-day, proposes to raise a New York brigade, if the state will bear 
the expense of onifit ; and here, us mayor of this city, so far as I hare the power to speak, I pledge 
for the corporation that sum. When I assumed the duties of the office I have now ibe honor to 
hold, my official oath was that I would support the Constitution of the United States and the 
Constitution of the State of New York ; ami I imply from tbat that it is not only my duty, as it 
is consistent with my principles and sense of right, to sup]nm the Constitution, but the Union, the 
government, the laws, and the flag. And, in the discharge of that duty, I care not what past 
political associations may bo severed. I am willing to give up all past prejudices and sympathies 
if in conflict with the honor and interest of my country in this great crisis. I am willing to say 
here that I throw myself entirely into this con teal with all my power and with all my might. My 
friends, the greatest man next to Washington that this country has ever produced— -Andrew Jack- 
son— lias said that "the Union must and shall he preserved, "and in that connection he has said, 
and it is directly pertinent to the present contest, "the Union must and shall be preserved — 
peaceably if we con, but forcibly if we must." There are those of us who have heretofore held 
antagonist positions to what is supposed to be the policy and the principles of this administra- 
tion, who ore willing to accept that noble declaration of the sacred Jackson as a resort to forco 
upon this occasion. "Why, gentlemen, what is ihu nature of your government? Ours is a gov- 
ernment of opinion expressed through the laws. The laws, being made by the people through 
their representatives, are simply the expressions of popular sentiment ; and the administrators of 
the laws should be maintained in the exercise of all legal authority. I have always advocated a 
strong executive power; because, to he efficient, it requires ample authority, and under our form 
of government, Mio ngent being merely the exponent of the popular will, he should be provided 
With every menus to maintain ilint will. Thus, in niniiitnining the govern men t, we maintain our- 
selves, our inalienable rights, and the basis of free institutions. It is true that individuals retain 
the right of independent criticism, and at the ballot-box have an opportunity to exorcise this 
right ; yet we are all bound to abide by the result. These views are pertinent to the occasion, so 
far art tho people of the city and state of New York nro concerned. This city is a portion of the 
state, and this state retains its position ns one of the United Stntcs of America ; therefore wo 
must stand by the government, wo must obey the laws, wo must respect official authority, we 
must respond with alacrity to the calls of patriotism, and, so long as we may havo the strength, 
support the Constitution and the Union. In accordance, then, with these views, I liavo no hesita- 
tion in throwing whatever power I may possess in behalf of the pending struggle. If a military 
conflict ia necessary, and that military jiutlioritv can be exercised under tin- Constitution and con- 
sistently with the laws, dreadful as the alternative may bo, we have no recourso except to take up 
arms. In times of great peril gnat sacrifices are required. When the human frame is upon tho 
urge of dnitli, every effort ■ if skill mid the must desperate experiments are resorted to to preserve 
life and prevent dissolution. This may bo said to ho nn apt illustration of the present condition 
of the body politic. In the expression of these views, wbicll I design to be understood as a public 
proclamation in favor of maintaining the authority of government ns such, "peaceably if we can, 
but forcibly if wo must," I desire also to bo understood ns taking back no sentiment I have over 
uttered on the political issues of the day. If the Presidential election was to he held over again 
to-morrow, my vote and my sentiments would ho unchanged ; nor am I to ho regarded as coun- 
tenancing or justifying tool, law or violence. Tho people themselves have elected or established 
tribunals for the adjudication of offenses ngainst tho laws, and all of us are restrained and must 
conform thereto. Every man's opinion is to ho respected ; and he who denies to a fellow-cilisen 
tho right of independent thought, violates the first principles of republicanism, and strikes n blow 
at the theory of our government. My friends, it has been said here to-day that your flag has been 
insulted. Ay ! not only bus your Dag been insulted, tail the late Secretary uf War, assuming to 
represent tho Confederate Statos, has said that the confederate flag shall wave over your Capitol 
before the first of May. And, mine than that, that tho confederate Hag shall wave over Faneuil 
Hall in Bostoil. My 'friends, before that banner can fly over Fiineuil Hall in Boston, it must bo 
carried over tho dead body of every citizen of New York. In behalf of yon I urn prepared to say 
hero, and, through tho press, to our friends of tho South, ihnt before that ting shall Moat over tho 

national Capitol, every man, worn nud child would enlist for tho war. Gentlotncn, I have no 

voice, although tho heart, to address you longer. Abler and more eloquent men limn myself aro 
lioro. I can only say, therefore, that I nm with you in this contest. We know no party now. 
We are for maintaining the integrity of the national Union intact. We aro for exhausting overy 
power at our command in this great, high, and patriotic struggle ; nnd I call upon every man, 
whatever may hove been his position heretofore, whatever may bo his individual sympathy now, 
to niidco ono great phalanx in this struggle, that we may, in the language of tho eloquent senator 
who preceded me, proceed to "conquer pQQCO." My friends, it has been already announced hy 
the chairman that tho Baltic ami other vessels at the foot ofCnnal Street nro ready to toko five- 
thousand men to-morrow to tho capital of Washington, I urge a hearty rcsuousu to that call, 
that Now York may speak trumpet-tongucd to tho pooplo of tho South. 



18613 



THE UPRISING AT THE NORTH 



99 




uprising North. Ere many months had passed events took place which 
tested his sincerity. The excitement of the day on which he appeared in 
such a new character was rendered more profound by the arrival during the 
meeting of news by telegraph that the Seventh Regiment had been attacked 
and cut to pieces in Baltimore. The incident and its effect are noteworthy, 
as showing the disturbed and sensitive state of the public mind, consequent 
chiefly upon the cutting off of the capital and of Baltimore from communi- 
cation with the North. The state of apprehension and suspense throughout 
all the region north of the Chesapeake was such that the wildest rumor ob- 
tained belief and awoke alarm. The monster meeting did not dissolve, nor 
did the excitement immediately subside upon the adjournment. The peo- 
ple clung for a time around the great centre of the day's impression ; and as 
the shades of evening fell, and they separated toward their homes, the waves 
of popular emotion slowly expanded in widening circles to the remotest 
bounds of the great city, till in the bush of night they gradually subsided. 

But it was not only upon special occasion that awakened patriotism dis- 
played itself. The cause of the republic was ever present to men's minds, 
and they loved to have some symbol of it ever present to their eyes: they 
found that symbol in the flag. The spontaneous raising of the national 
standard immediately after the bombardment of Fort Sumter grandly ush- 
ered in the exhibition of the loved emblem in every possible form and 
upon every possible place. Flag-stairs shot up by magic from public 
and private buildings, places of business, and dwelling-houses, and even 
from the towers and spires of churches, upon some of which the ad- 
vance standard of freedom, justice, human progress, and Christian civiliza- 
tion appeared supported by the cross that glistened on their highest pinna- 
cles. The demand for flags was so great that in one fortnight the price of 
bunting rose one hundred and fifty per cent. The enthusiasm did not stop 
here. Tiny flagB were made for badges, and worn as a decoration upon the 
left breast. For a long time hardly a man was seen north of the Poto- 
mac and the Ohio without one. The brilliant token of loyalty was easily 
adapted to the flowing lines and varying hues of woman's costume, and 
the fairer part of the loyal North, with the accustomed tact of the sex, 
moulded the humor of the hour into fashions which gave new piquancy to 



their beauty, and fresh stimulus to the patriotism of their admirers. In this 
fancy they were at once followed, if indeed they had not been preceded, by 
their sisters at the South, who adopted with equal spirit and with almost 
equal unanimity the emblem of rebellion into their costume ; so that from 
the great Lakes to the Gulf the entire population were decked in the same 
red, white, and blue, but arranged at the North as to signify devotion to, 
and at the South alienation from, and, in fact, hatred for, the government, 
which, with so much blood and toil, Washington and his compeers had so 
painfully established. Yet throughout the free states, and in the very 
midst of this outburst of patriotic feeling, the well-wishing friends, the 
active partisans, the very paid supporters, spies, and emissaries of the in- 
surgents thronged unmolested, and, even when known, almost unheeded. 
The persecutions by which the insurgent party at the South brought about 
an appearance of unanimity in the insurrection will hereafter engage our 
attention; but it may here be appropriately said, once for all, that at the 
North, Southern birth and connection, and even well-known active sym- 
pathy with the revolted slaveholders, brought no man harm or even dis- 
comfort. Men from the states under control of the insurgents remained at 
the North in the absolute enjoyment of all their rights as citizens of the 
republic. The government at Washington and the people of the North re- 
garded the resident of South Carolina and Massachusetts alike as individual 
members of the nation ; and they remained alike undisturbed by govern- 
ment or people, unless there appeared good reason for believing that they 
were actually engaged in treasonable service against the United States. 
The few acts of violence by the people at the North (and they were so few 
and so trifling as to be almost unworthy of notice) were directed entirely 
against Northern men who affronted the aroused patriotism of their neigh- 
bors by an unblushing support of the cause of the insurgents. Two or 
three presses in New England and in Pennsylvania were attacked or threat- 
ened, and one man was tarred and feathered and ridden on a rail. To this 
extent only, in a time of war and most intense excitement, did the people 
of the free states emulate the outrages of their fellow-cilizens of the slave 
states upon those whose political views were offensive to them — outrages 
committed during a period of thirty years, at intervals of a few days, in some 
part of the extended territory south of Mason and Dixon's line, sometimes 
perpetrated upon women, and often ending in the maiming and even the 
death of their victims. With this great difference, however, between the 
teacher and the taught, that these few and comparatively unimportant de- 
viations from the respect for law and the rights of the citizen, though the 
fruits of such an exceptional public disturbance, were checked by the magis- 
trates, and, in one case at least, followed by the trial, condemnation, and pun- 
ishment of the offenders, and in all by reparation on the part of the county 
authorities; while the actors in the lynchings and mobbings in the Blave 
states, during the peaceful period of thirty years, went about their outrage- 
ous business, as all the world well knows, with absolute impunity. But, 
with all this restraint in the midst of great agitation, there was a strong, and, 
under the circumstances, a not unreasonable determination that people in 
public positions, and particularly the conductors of public journals, should 
exhibit at least an outward loyalty to the government. Most of the newspa- 
per offices were surmounted with flag-staffs, and upon these, with few excep- 
tions, as upon all others similarly situated, the national colors were raised on 
the Monday after the bombardment of Fort Sumter. The offices at which 
this sign of nationality was not displayed were those of papers in New York 
and Philadelphia, which, during the few months preceding that event, had 
supported the cause of aggressive slavery. Before these offices crowds as- 
sembled, and demanded, with no threats of violence, but with good-natured 
determination, that they should show their colors. A few at first refused to 
comply with the demand, but not for many hours. Policy surely counsel- 
ed them to yield so trivial a point at such a period ; and perhaps fear of 
immediate consequences might have had some effect, though the demand 
was made by laughing and inoffensive throngs, which, in New York at least, 
were surrounded by a police force instructed to preserve order and compe- 
tent to restrain violence. 1 A few private persons in the rural districts au- 
daciously raised the standard of insurrection, more from a mischievous or a 
party spirit than with any really rebellious purpose. These flags were im- 
mediately torn down by the people of the neighborhood when they were 
not taken down by those who raised tbem; but no injury was done to the 
offenders. Had disaffection been more common it might have provoked a 
warmer resentment; but it was so insignificant that, although the people 
were determined that it should not be openly flaunted, its few displays were 
passed by as of little moment 



The leaders of the powerful faction which bad obtained control of the se- 
ceded states having long preceded the government and the people of the 
loyal states in the work of preparation, had given at once the challenge and 
the first blow at Sumter. While these slept, those had worked; and now, 
with the people and the resources of eleven states practically under its con- 
trol, and with the larger part of the military material of the republic in its 
possession, the government at Montgomery, upon the appearance of Presi- 
dent Lincoln's war proclamation, had only to maintain the advantage of the 
initiative and proceed at onco to active hostilities. To that proclamation 
Mr. Jefferson Davis's reply was the issuing of proposals to grant letters of 
marque and reprisal against the commerce of the United States. 3 This step 



' Ai to the behavior of theso crowds in tho city of New York I gpeuk from personal observation. 

' Proclamation by Jefferson Davis. 

Whereas Abraham Lincoln, tho President of tho United States, has, by proclamation, announced 



1U0 



HARPER'S PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



[1861. 



diJ more to provoke the Northern people to wrath than any other which the 
insurgents had yet taken. In the progress of the world toward a more per- 
fect humanity, privateering, or the subjecting of private property on the sea 
to capture by any person who for his own advantage chooses to undertake 
the business upon certain conditions, bad come to be regarded as little better 
than legalized piracy, a relic of barbarism which should be cast aside with 
tlie license of pillaging private property upon land, than which it was re- 
garded as even less tolerable, because the object of an army is the destruc- 
tion of the military power of the enemy, and pillage, even when permitted, 
is but an accidental concomitant of military movements, while it is the sole 
purpose of the privateer. The great powers of Europe bad agreed by the 
treaty of Paris to abolish privateering as a means of war, and to this article 
of that treaty the United States had offered to become a party, if those pow- 
ers would agree to except all peaceful commerce from the ravages of war. 
But the government of Great Britain was. nolyet.willing to sacrifice to hu- 
manity the advantages accruing from the large naval force which it kept up 
in the time of peace; and the government of the United States, having a 
small navy to protect a very large commerce and an extended sea-board, was 
therefore compelled, in self-preservation, to refuse its adherence to this arti- 
cle of the treaty. Sucb being the position of civilized Christendom upon 
this subject, and the people of the United States at the North (where only 
the people could truly be said to exercise a controlling influence upon the 
government) being thus, as ever, in advance of all others upon a question 
of enlarged philanthropy, the assumption by the chief of a junto of rebels 
of the right to license whoever would to rove the seas for the robbery and 
destruction of merchant vessels was looked upon as a monstrous outrage, a 
shameless affront to the intelligence and humanity of the age quite worthy 
of those who, to secure the perpetuity and the extension of slavery, bad at- 
tempted the destruction of the republic on which rested the hopes of free- 
dom for all mankind. The rebel privateers of the future were at once stig- 
matized by the universal voice of the free states as pirates ; and, sailing un- 
der no recognized flag, such, according to the law of nations, they would have 
been, had they put to sea only under circumstances then existing. But 
events were soon to take place, both in America and Europe, which made a 
change in their prospective position. 

Of these events the first was a proclamation, issued on the 19th of April 
by President Lincoln, declaring a blockade of the ports of the seceded states: 
the same act pronounced all privateers in the service of the rebels amenable 
to the laws for the prevention and punishment of piracy. The establish- 
ment of a blockade is always a matter of extended international importance, 
as it involves the interests of commerce, and abridges the rights of neutrals. 
In the present case the proclamation proved to be unusually momentous, 
because, according to the code established for themselves by the maritime 
powers of Europe, the right of blockade pertains only to belligerents, bel- 
ligerent rights on one side implying the same rights on the other ; and there- 
fore, according to European dogmas, by this proclamation of blockade the 
government of the United States had at one word raised the insurgents to 
the rank of a belligerent power. It was, indeed, a matter of prime necessity 
to deprive the rebels of the means of replenishing their coffers by the sale 
of their cotton and tobacco to Europe, and to cut off their supplies of arms 
and munitions of war, which end might have been attained, and the inter- 
national complications consequent upon an extended blockade avoided, by 
closing the ports of the seceded states to commerce. But the great naval 
and commercial power of Great Britain, acting as ever, even in foreign af- 
fairs, with a single eye to its own interests, and limiting its action ooly by 
its strength, had taken the position that, although in times of tranquillity a 
government may close its ports at pleasure, in time of insurrection it can 
only close ports in the hands of insurgents by effective blockade; 3 or, in 
other words, that while the people of a certain part of any country are obe- 



thc intention of in vailing this confederacy with nn armed force, fur ilic purpose of capturing its for- 
tresses, nnd thereby subvening its independence and subjecting I lie free people thereof lo the do- 
minion of a foreign power ; and whereas it lias thus become the duty of this government to repel 
the threatened invasion, nnd to defend the rights ami liberties uf the people by all [he means which 
the laws of natloDi and u*nqcs of civilized warfare place nt its disposal ; 

Now, therefore, I, JelTi-rson L>:ivi?, President of the Confederate States of America, do issue this 
my proclamation, inviting all those who may desire, by service in private armed vessels on the high 
seas, to aid tlii* government in resisting bo wanton und wicked un aggression, to make application 
for commissions or letters of marque and reprisal, to be Issued under the teal of these Confederate 
Stales. 

And I do fnnhcr notify ull persons applying for letters of marque lo mnkc a statement in writ- 
ing, giving the name and a suitable description of the character, lonnugc, and force of the vessel, 
and the name and place of residence of each owner concerned therein, and the intended number 
of the crew, nnd to sign said statement, and deliver the same to the Secretary of State or to the 
Collector of any port of entry of these Confederate States, to In; by him transmitted to lb o Secret nvy 
of State. 

And I do further notify nil applicants aforesaid, that Isfure any commission or letter of marque 
is issued to any vessel, the miner or owner* thereof, and the commander for the tinio being, will ho 
required to give bond to the Confederate Stale-, with at least two responsible sureties not inter- 
ested in Bitch vessel, in the penal sum of five thousnnd dollars ; or if Bitch vessel be provided with 
more than one hundred nnd fifty men, then in the penal mini of ten thousand dollars, wiih con- 
dition that the owners, officers, nnd crew who shall lie employed on hoard such commissioned ves- 
sel shall observe the bins of these <"'on federate Sinn -i, anil the instriieiinns given to Ihcm for tho 

■ii eh vessel 
Confederate States, 

And I do further specialty enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil nnd military, under tho 
authority of the Confederate Slates, thai they be vigilnnt nud zealous in dischnrging tho duties in- 
cident thereto; and 1 do, moreover, solemnly exhort the good pcoplr of these Confederate States, 
a* they love their country, as they prize the blessings of free government, its lllfly feel the wrong! 
of the mil, nnd these now threatened in an aggravated form by [bow vliou enmity is more im- 
placably In.nu-o unprovoked, that they cncm tin mwlvc* in prc-crving order, in promoting con- 
cord, in m. mil lining the authority and the ellli m y of ihc lu»>, und in «iippurtitig and invigorating 
all the nmWMl which may 1* adopted for the common defen-o. and by which, under the bless- 
ing* of DIrino Providence, we may (lopo for a «pccdy, just, and honorable pcaeo. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto net my hand, olid caused tho seal of tho Confederate 
Btutes to I* nlUxcd, this seventeenth day or April, 1801. 

By tho President, (Signed), .Jisi'i'KtisoN Davib. 

It. Toomijh, Secretary of Stole. 



l of their conduct, that shall sniisfy all dnmuges done contrary to the tenor thereof by 
;l during her commission, and deliver up tho same when revoked by the President of the 



dient to their laws and loyal to their government, that government may shut 
them oil' from commerce, but if those people should defy the law and resist 
the government, it can only exercise this function by a proceeding which 
raises them to the rank of belligerents. By this decision Great Britain, pre- 
suming on its naval strength, assumes not only to dictate, in the interests of 
its manufacturers and shipowners, the means by which alone other govern- 
ments shall reduce their rebellious citizens to submission, but, in fact, to de- 
prive entirely of one means those nations which do not constantly maintain 
a sufficient number of vessels of war to establish an effective blockade of all 
the ports in a rebellious quarter. In such an assumption the government 
of the United States could not acquiesce : the toleration of it in practice by 
any government would be a confession of inability to resist an intrusion 
upon its own sovereign functions ; and, to look forward a little, at the extra 
session of Congress which met in July, an act was passed authorizing the 
President to close the ports in the seceded states at his discretion. Ports of 
entry are created in the United States by act of Congress; and the power 
of closing them, like the power of making war, belongs to Congress. But 
President Lincoln, in the emergency of the republic, had assumed the power 
of calling out the militia and commencing hostilities against the rebels; and, 
as far as the internal relations of government were concerned, he might, with 
equal certainty of indemnity, have closed the Southern ports. Had the ports 
been closed, although it was certainly possible that Great Britain might re- 
fuse to respect an assumption of power, or even to regard an act of Congress, 
which interfered with the trade of her citizens, yet it may be reasonably 
doubted whether, if the government of the United States had boldly assert- 
ed its sovereignty in its own affairs, and made active preparation to main- 
tain it, the British government would have defied and insulted that sover- 
eignty with the certain prospect of immediate war. But it was thought bet- 
ter to avoid this complication of difficulty ; a temporizing policy again pre- 
vailed; and instead of a closing of the ports, a blockade was established. 
The privateering and the blockade gave to Great Britain welcome oppor- 
tunity of throwing all her moral influence against the preservation of the 
republic, as wc shall see hereafter. 



Active hostilities did not immediately commence, and the attention ot 
both parties was chiefly turned to the attitude of the border states. With 
a population of five and a half millions, rich, fertile, and extending in a broad 
belt, nearly two hundred miles wide at its narrowest part, between the in- 
surgent slave states and the free, they held in their hands the immediate 
fate of the country. Had they all remained heartily and firmly faithful to 
the cause of the republic, the preponderance of power would have been so 
overwhelming, the advantage of position so great, that the rebellion would 
have had but a short life, and would have been strangled upon the soil which 
gave it birth. They did not take this position ; and by their various poli- 
cies (various in form, but little divergent in purpose) they swelled the pro- 
portions and prolonged the duration of the war, and brought its blood and 
its devastation home to their own fields and firesides. Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri were the debatable 
ground of the first days, aud so of the whole war, of the rebellion. Both 
parties appreciated their importance, and both sought to secure them; the 
one, as usual, by a cautious, the other by a daring policy. We have already 
seen how Virginia, if not the most powerful, from her situation the most im- 
portant of them all, was, on the first assertion of national authority, and in 
spite of all her previous denunciations 01 the course of South Carolina, at 
once thrown into the hands of the insurgents. North Carolina and Ten- 
nessee soon followed her. Kentucky and Missouri, distracted between the 
loyalty of the large majority of their people and the strong disaffection of 
their leading politicians, nearly all of whom were heartily in the interests of 
the rebel faction, wavered and temporized, and fell into civil commotion 
within their own borders ; and Maryland was saved to the Union and from 
the fate of war only by the patriotism of her governor, and the sagacity and 
decision of his sometimes seeming opponent, but always actual co-worker, 
General Butler. Abandoning Virginia hopelessly to the insurgents, and 
passing her by until the beginning of active hostilities, I follow the imme- 
diate fortunes of the insurrection through the other five states upon the 
border. 

The New England general who bad so promptly settled the question of 
communication between the North and the national capital by moving di- 
rectly upon Annapolis was immediately honored by being placed in com-